“quartiers précaires” or shantytowns—occupied by thousands of immigrants and Ivorians. During these operations they allegedly searched for weapons and rebels, but more often would simply order all out all the residents and burn or demolish their homes. Allegedly conducted in order to secure Abidjan from suspected rebel infiltration, the raids displaced over 12,000 people—mostly foreign immigrants. They were accompanied by numerous serious human rights abuses, including arbitrary arrests and detentions, “disappearances,” rape, and summary executions. In addition, extortion by the security forces was widespread and commonplace.19 Dozens of neighborhoods were affected through October 2002, when the government officially suspended the operation as a result of international protests. Unofficially however, the demolitions and abuses continued well into December 2002 and later.20 By the end of September 2002, the MPCI rebels, composed mainly of “Dioula”21 or northerners of Malinké, Senaphou and other ethnicities, some Burkinabé and Malien recruits, and the “dozos,” were in control of most of northern Côte d’Ivoire (approximately 50 percent of the country), including Bouaké, Korhogo and Odienné towns. The ease with which the MPCI captured this area was largely due to the fact that they encountered minimal opposition. While many questions remain unanswered regarding the origins of the Ivorian rebel movements, the MPCI group is the most organized, disciplined and ideologically straightforward. Its main stated aims were the redress of recent military reforms, new elections and the removal of President Gbagbo, whose presidency was perceived as illegitimate given the flawed elections that took place in 2000. However, it also represented other grievances, including the widely held feeling of many northern Ivorians that they were consistently politically excluded and systematically discriminated against over the past decade.22 While the core of the MPCI was northern Ivorian—such as Senaphou and Malinké—its membership at both the troop and high political levels included most Ivorian ethnic groups, including Baoulé and Bété members. A government offensive on Bouaké in early October saw heavy fighting in and around the city and the flight of thousands of civilians, but the MPCI retained control of the town. An MPCI advance in the west captured Vavoua on October 7, 2002, and Daloa on October 12, 2002. The MPCI advances in the north and west were accompanied by reports of summary executions of gendarmes and suspected government sympathizers. Daloa, a key town in the country’s cocoa belt, and the transit point for much of the cocoa heading to the coastal port of San Pedro, was re-captured on October 14, 2002 by the government forces who then proceeded to comb the town for rebel supporters. Several days later, the government signed a cease-fire with the MPCI. French military forces already present in the country as part of a long-standing security agreement agreed to monitor the cease-fire line. Peace negotiations took place at the end of October 2002 in Lomé, Togo. Both sides agreed to refrain from “the recruitment and use of mercenaries, enrollment of children, and violations of the accord on cessation of hostilities.”23 Member states of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) also pledged to deploy a peacekeeping force in Côte d’Ivoire. Despite the cease-fire, reports continued to rise of assassinations of 19 See, “Government Abuses in Response to Army Revolt,” Human Rights Watch Report, Vol. 14, No.9(A), November 2002. 20 “Des centaines de soldats ont investi hier des bidonvilles,” le jour, December 12, 2002, p.2. 21 The term “Djoula” or “Dioula” is actually a Senoufo word for trader. It also refers to a small ethnic group from the northeast, however it is most commonly used to refer to people of several ethnicities from northern Côte d’Ivoire, including Malinké and Senaphou, who are in fact not ethnic Dioula but may speak a colloquial form of the language. The pidgeon form of the Dioula language has become widely used by many Ivorians—whatever their origin—as the language of trade and commerce, particularly in the market culture of Côte d’Ivoire, which is dominated by northerners and immigrants. Some northerners view the use of the all-encompassing term as a pejorative. In this report, Human Rights Watch will use the term Dioula as it is commonly (mis)used by many Ivorians—to refer to Ivorians who, even if resident in the south, originated from the northern Mande and Gur ethnic groups, including members of the Malinké, Senaphou, and Bambara ethnicities. It does not however, include Burkinabé, whose nationals in Côte d’Ivoire are largely from the Mossi ethnic group. 22 One member of the MPCI’s political wing told Human Rights Watch, “Linas-Marcoussis corrected many things. We were tired of living in fear, not being able to go out because they would tear up your identity card.” Interviewed in Bouaké, March 31, 2003. 23 “Côte d’Ivoire: State, rebels agree to refrain from hostile acts,” U.N. Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN), November 1, 2003. Human Rights Watch 10 August 2003, Vol. 15, No. 14 (A)