By the 2019 elections in India, the Rohingya refugee crisis had made headways into the national political thinking and the narrative surrounding the issue hence metamorphosed into one of ‘save ourselves’ instead of ‘save them’, courtesy to the ruling party’s incendiary campaign to portray the Rohingya as a potential threat poised to strike, if the country and its people are not wary. Since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, Rohingya refugees in India were increasingly targeted as the sources of the virus and thereby being denied access to medical services. Terms such as ‘Corona Bomb’ were used and there was an intense crackdown on the camps in the aftermath of suspicions that the refugees have been responsible for triggering the spread of the virus by attending the Tablighi Jamaat (a religious gathering), held in early March 2020. At a session with the MHA on August 2021, where the government was questioned on The Home Ministry’s blunt response to this, the reply was that “no such campaign against the Rohingya has been brought to the notice of the central government.”12 Any response pertaining to identifying solutions to the refugee crisis, and addressing long term goals, has been invariably centred on the ‘state’, negating the ‘individual’. Such an approach disregards the core issues driving the Rohingya to seek refuge in India, as well as their experience fleeing a state sponsored sustained campaign of ethnic cleansing, and, additionally, whitewashes the actions of the Myanmar government. 12 Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No. 1414 (11/2/2020). There is substantial evidence proving the large amount of online hate that the Rohingya face. For example, see https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/14/technology/facebook-hate-speechrohingya-india.html