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without consulting the other Member States. Maduro argued that such practices might entail a breach of the duty of loyal or sincere cooperation contained in Article 4(3) of the Treaty on European Union.2 According to that
provision ‘The Member States shall facilitate the achievement of the Union’s
tasks and refrain from any measure which could jeopardise the attainment of
the Union’s objectives.’ But, as Kochenov notes, compared to the large numbers of Italian citizenships given out in Latin America to those demonstrating
Italian ancestry, or indeed the effects of the external citizenship provisions of
some of the newer Member States (e.g. Hungary in Serbia or Croatia in
Bosnia and in many non-European countries where there are large Croatian
diasporas such as in Australia), the effects of the Maltese provisions will be
marginal in terms of numbers and thus have little impact on other Member
States. The case for a legal obligation under the Treaties to moderate this type
of national citizenship policy seems rather weak. It may be a mercantilist
practice, but it is not arbitrary according to the norms of EU law.
So is that the end of it? Will the debate on 15 January be limited to the
Commission rehearsing these legal points and pointing out its lack of competence in the matter, and MEPs wringing their hands about the ‘abuse of rights’
and the ‘lack of respect’3 for other Member States which is said to be involved
in the creation of new citizens by such means? And will objections to the
actions of Malta (and potentially other Member States which have introduced
variants of these schemes) have no more traction than objections to a Member
State exploiting its own natural resources, or exporting things for profit that it
is particularly good at making, even if these might have environmental costs
(such as cheaply produced French nuclear power or large German cars)?
As the contributions to this Forum have shown, the proposal by Malta to
sell citizenship is just one example of why and how (national) citizenships
can be most effectively monetized precisely because those citizenships are
more attractive to those who ‘invest’ (it does not matter whether by means
of work, long residence and civic integration or by direct financial contribution to the national exchequer), because they confer the benefits of EU citizenship. EU citizenship thus connects the external and internal dimensions
of citizenship and offers incentives to states to exploit citizenship (and
associated rights such as residence or the right to work) as a tradable good
in a market system.
2
3
Consolidated version of the Treaty on European Union, available at https://
eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=celex%3A12012M%2FTXT
Parliamentary questions, 4 December 2013, Subject: EU citizenship for sale,
available at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.
do?type=OQ&reference=O-2013-000138&format=XML&language=EN
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