The Stateless Kurds Of Syria 177 areas have been replaced by ad hoc field hospitals and schools, and state directorates are often no longer regularly issuing documents.23 While acquiring citizenship is generally considered to give naturalised Kurds an important stake in the future of the country, interviewees frequently stated that their Syrian nationality is not yet ‘activated.’ Others went beyond this and claimed that the notion of citizenship in general is presently dead - or, as some stated, ‘has been killed’ - in Syria. One naturalised Kurd, now a refugee in the Kurdistan Region, asked rhetorically, ‘what is the value of citizenship in a time when up to a thousand citizens can be killed in a day? When you kill citizens, you kill citizenship.’ The lack of basic civil rights and suspension of rule of law since the start of the Revolution constitutes a ‘state of exception’ that undermines the very notion of citizenship. The transition from stateless person to refugee in neighbouring countries also extends the experience of hardship and perceived injustice. A woman from Qamishli explains ‘we were stateless in Syria, living in a house we could not register, and our children could not hope to inherit. Now we are citizens of Syria, but we are also refugees here in Kurdistan. Now there is no house to be in our name, only a tent in a camp. This is what our children have to look forward to as Syrian citizens (…)’ Another adds, ‘we must sell our homes [in Hassaka], to save our lives (…) everywhere we are “foreigners.”’ Participants frequently brought up during the course of interviews that perhaps the only benefit relevant for many naturalised Kurds was the possibility of acquiring a passport in order to escape the state with which they had just established a legal tie.24 While interviewees tended to make such statements with a sense of bitter irony, the importance of the right to leave one’s country of residence should not be under-estimated, especially in the present context. 3.1 The Politics of Naturalization Perceptions of the naturalization process are not simply based on the actual access to benefits, but also influenced by political associations. Given that the problem of the ajanib and, arguably also, the maktumin,25 originates from discrimination against a minority group, many naturalised Kurds still feel severely aggrieved. As one put it, ‘I felt as if it was an attack on my person. But at the 23 24 25 Respondents noted that registration of property is now extremely difficult. Even though ajanib ought now to be able to legally register houses in their names, many have not been able to benefit from such a procedure. Receiving a passport has, however, been difficult for some due to lack of money and connections, long delays, shutting down of public offices and limited mobility. McGee (n 12) 56–62. tilburg law review 19 (2014) 171-181