The Right to a Nationality and the Right to Adequate Housing strategies, 125 this analysis demonstrates that this is rarely the case. Instead, they face state responses ranging from marginalisation to direct discrimination. Furthermore, the reliable data that would be necessary to understand the extent of the problems and ensure the inclusion of stateless persons is scarce. Data on inadequate housing and statelessness as separate issues is insufficient and combined is nearly non-existent, as both inadequate housing and statelessness are largely invisible issues. States might be hesitant to invest in data collection because the act of mapping can be time-consuming and expensive, or because collected data might further obligate states to take action. Additional challenges come from individuals’ potential unwillingness to identify with these categories, which often carry stigma or simple unawareness. Definitions of who fits these categories may be further complicated by incorrect interpretations of terms associated with statelessness and with inadequate housing, along with changing situations. Regardless of these limitations, states’ immediate obligations according to CESCR General Comment 4 include determining the full extent of homelessness and inadequate housing within their territories. 126 Provisions of the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness obligate states to prevent and reduce statelessness, and doing so requires identification of stateless persons within their borders. 127 While progress has been made recently due to technological advances and increased emphasis on mapping, it has been noted that there is ‘limited availability of empirical and quantitative data with which to evaluate housing in rapidly urbanizing countries’, 128 and regarding statelessness, UNHCR’s Global Trends Report notes that ‘fewer than half the countries in the world have any government data on stateless populations’. 129 In order to address these rights violations, their true extent and the degree to which they overlap must first be understood. States’ obligations to stateless persons regarding the right to adequate housing go beyond simply mapping the extent of the problem. The 1954 Statelessness Convention is often the starting point for understanding the protections owed to stateless persons, but because its safeguards allow for distinctions between nationals and non-nationals and are provisional on stateless persons’ presence being considered lawful, other international treaties provide for greater protections. Given the ICESCR’s recognition of ‘the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including … housing, and to the continuous improvement of living conditions’ 130 and the CESCR’s further clarification of state obligations for all persons in the progressive realisation of this right, the Covenant provides a strong foundation for understanding state obligations to stateless persons. Furthermore, given the ICESCR’s widespread ratification when compared to the 1954 Statelessness Convention, 131 it becomes 125 General Comment No 4, UN Doc E/1992/23 (n 9) 118 [13]. 126 ibid. 127 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, opened for signature 30 August 1961, 989 UNTS 175 (entered into force 13 December 1975). 128 Robin King et al, Confronting the Urban Housing Crisis in the Global South: Adequate, Secure, and Affordable Housing (Working Paper, World Resources Institute 2017) 7 <https://www.wri.org/sites/default/files/towards-more-equal-city-confronting-urbanhousing-crisis-global-south.pdf>. 129 Global Trends (n 23) 51. 130 ICESCR (n 32) art 11. 131 ���Chapter IV Human Rights: 3. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, New York, 16 December 1966’, United Nations Treaty Collection Status of Treaties (Web Page) <https://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=IND&mtdsg_no=IV3&chapter=4&clang=_en>. 259