to work, i.e. both the younger and the more aged. This is substantiated by education statistics, which reveal significantly lower enrolment rates amongst ex-Gaza men outside Jerash aged 16 to 24 (Table 20, p. 55). Furthermore, as we will briefly return to below, child labour, albeit far from common, is more widespread amongst ex-Gazans outside Jerash camp. Figure 19 Current enrolment of men aged 15-24 by ex-Gaza status and five-year age groups. Percentage of the enrolled (n=20,523). Other Palestinian refugees 20-24 years Other ex-Gazans Ex-Gazans, Jerash 15-19 years 0 20 40 60 80 Per cent 100 When compared to ex-Gaza men in other camps, a higher share of older-generation exGaza men in Jerash report being unable to work for health reasons, whereas the major difference between ex-Gazans outside Jerash camp and other Palestinian refugees is that the latter have a higher proportion of retired. This hints at general differences between the three population groups in terms of the areas of the labour market they occupy: citizen Palestinian refugees have better access to the formal labour market, including in the public sector, which entitles people to retirement benefits, whereas the local labour market accessible to the ex-Gaza population in Jerash and other camps tends to be physically demanding, e.g. agriculture, construction and factory work, which requires good physical health and thus also tends to push people out of the labour force at a younger age. A final explanation for the lower male labour force participation rate is more technical and related to the survey method and the activities it captures. As we shall return to below, the much more irregular and seasonal character of employment of ex-Gazans in Jerash camp would yield a lower labour force participation rate as our data use the past week as the reference period. The impact of seasonality on the rates, however, is presumably more applicable to women than men, as a much higher proportion of the former (15%) than the latter (2%) report seasonal work. Furthermore, a consequence of the short reference period is that the prevalence of employment amongst children is under-reported since many children — like women — tend to work at irregular intervals, seasonally and oftentimes restricted to school holidays. We return to work among children in a separate sub-section below. The female labour force Very few women across camps — either ex-Gazan or not — are economically active (Figure 20); however, this pattern seems to be slightly more pronounced among ex-Gazans, regardless of location. Among ex-Gazans in Jerash, 8% of women (aged 15 and above) are members of the labour force, which is in line with ex-Gaza women in other camps. Amongst other female camp refugees, however, the labour force participation rate is over 9%73. While this suggests something of a consistent difference between ex-Gazans and others, it is important to note that there is a much greater variation in female labour force 73 These figures are considerably below the national female labour force participation rate, which stood at approx. 15% in 2011 (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013). ‘Just getting by’ Ex-Gazans in Jerash and other refugee camps in Jordan 61