few residents own such land, Jerash is surprisingly amongst the highest of any camp135, and on a par with neighbouring Souf, with 0.8% of inhabitants owning 136 agricultural land outside the camp 137, suggesting that several families have taken advantage of temporary liftings of the legal restrictions on property purchases or have purchased land from neighbouring landowners under various informal agreements. Construction and other daily labouring Most of the people in the camp work as concrete labourers 138. The surveys revealed that a third of construction workers in Jerash camp work inside the camp. The rest found opportunities outside the camp, along with other non-agricultural daily labourers. Construction work, which is open to ex-Gazans and only requires the easily-obtained ‘adam mahkumiyyeh [clean criminal record check] to be employed, occupies 24% of the Jerash labour force as compared to 16% for ex-Gazans elsewhere, and 11% for other refugees. The fact that nearly a quarter of the entire Jerash camp labour force rely on construction work, often irregular with months of unemployment in winter, is illustrative of Jerash residents’ limited options. These workers are overwhelmingly men in their 20s and 30s, and around 15% of them hold university degrees. The precise modalities of working ‘in concrete’ varies. Some large construction companies hire Jerash residents for longer periods — weeks and months, also during winter — and may provide contracts and social security benefits. For those willing to leave Jerash camp for extended periods with only monthly or fortnightly visits home, working in construction in Aqaba was frequently cited as a possible means of income. Most smaller contractors, however, provide only short-term employment and no social security benefits for themselves or their labourers. Remuneration varies depending on the project and agreed price but the rate for labourers is generally 15 to 20 JD per day outside camps, working from 7 am to 4 pm139, thus considerably higher than farm work. As an experienced builder explained: I agree with the clients according to their capacities to pay. For example, I can start with the foundations, and someone else can do the rest of the construction; if he can’t find anyone with a cheaper offer than me, he will come back to me. [...] Well, for projects outside the camp I charge higher fees, because I consider the lack of funds inside the camp. People in Zarqa, Amman and so on, their conditions are much better than ours, so I may ask for more. For example, for curing [of concrete], instead of asking for 2 JD per meter, I may ask for 3 JD. It makes a difference for me and my workers; I pay them 20 JD per day 140. In recognition of the community and sense of solidarity within the camp, several interviewees noted that they would engage additional casual labour from the camp, with one explaining, ‘I try to prioritize men from the camp over others, because I share the difficult situation with them’ 141. Work is most often found through word of mouth, with, as the Only higher is Azmi al-Mufti [Husn] which is on the way to Irbid, close to agricultural areas. Ownership does not always imply having one’s name on the deed, but the purchase of land under various informal arrangements. See chapter 10. 137 In comparison, only 0.1% of ex-Gazans in other camps — mostly being located in urban areas with a minimal agricultural sector — own agricultural land. 138 Female, age 44, Jerash camp, 19 January 2016. 139 Focus group discussion with men, Hitteen camp, 14 Feb 2016. 140 Male, age 32, Jerash camp, 3 February 2016. 141 Male, age 32, Jerash camp, 3 February 2016. 135 136 ‘Just getting by’ Ex-Gazans in Jerash and other refugee camps in Jordan 99