Horizontal expansion within plots quickly increased the density of the camp’s fabric, and, as families and the overall population grew, the government’s Department of Palestinian Affairs 81 (DPA) approved vertical shelter expansion and building right up to the camp’s perimeter. Thus, there is today, as in the other Palestinian refugee camps, little open or green space, except for the cemetery located at the southern end of the camp. Official camp boundaries have remained fixed; however, Jerash camp, like other camps, has in practice extended beyond its original borders. With al-Hadadah village and a deep valley (used for agriculture) lying beyond the camp’s western perimeter and steep slopes to the north (often used for rangeland by the camp’s herders), overspill has predominantly occurred eastwards along the road connecting Jerash camp to Jerash city. This road runs uphill East-West through the centre of the camp and defines much of the activity in the camp. Outside of the official camp boundary, the road is lined with mechanics and car workshops. As you enter and continue along Public Street into the heart of the camp, other commercial spaces take over, such as grocery and electronics shops and coffee and food stalls. At the intersection with UNRWA Street, lined with UNRWA’s schools, a health centre, the DPA office and community-based organisations (CBOs) 82, and a smaller road leading to al-Hadadah village, we find the heart of commercial activity and transport: the bus stop, gas station, a transit and turning point for traffic and loading of goods, shops, a mosque and businesses. With a current population of about 15,000 residents 83 and commerce with neighbouring villages, this is a site of intense activity and frequently congested. The local labour market in Jerash governorate and the public sector gap There are no companies, there are no job opportunities; Jerash is like a village, not a city — it has nothing. Even the people of this country [citizens] don’t find work. It’s only because they find work in the army, so it doesn’t matter to them [that there is no work here in Jerash] or, they go and work in government jobs […] 84. Employment and livelihoods opportunities in Jerash camp are defined both by the camp’s geographical location (in a fertile agricultural area) and labour market policies in Jordan. According to Jordan’s Labour Force Surveys for 2010 to 2014, Jerash governorate does not stand out in terms of labour force participation rate85, nor unemployment rates (DoS and Fafo, 2015). However, reflecting its geography and the lack of any major urban and industrial areas, a higher proportion of the labour force in Jerash governorate work in ‘agriculture, forestry and fishing’ compared to the country average (5% versus 3%), whilst employment in ‘manufacturing’ is about half of the national average (5% compared to 9% across all governorates) (DoS and Fafo, 2015). 81 The DPA is a governmental body tasked with the administration, oversight, and supervision of activities in the Palestinian camps. 82 According to the DPA, at the time of research, there were 13 CBOs in Jerash camp registered with the Ministry of Social Development, Ministry of Culture, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs, and the Higher Council for Youth (information provided by DPA, 10 February 2016). 83 The comprehensive survey found that there were 14,642 people residing within the original, official borders of the camp, 204 of whom were not Palestinian refugees. In addition, there are a good number of households residing just outside these borders, in areas considered today part of the camp, including by UNRWA. 84 Female, age 30, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. 85 Jerash is at the lower end of labour force participation rates for 2010-2013 but on a par with Mafraq, Irbid, Ajloun and Zarqa governorates (DoS and Fafo, 2015). Fafo Report 2019:34 86