finding (Figure 18) that ex-Gazans outside Jerash start working at a younger age, contributing to their higher labour force participation rate. However, whereas very few camp children seem to combine employment and education, qualitative data suggest that the statistics may under-report the involvement of Jerash camp’s children in work, as a substantial number of interviewees reported that children accompany their parents doing farm work, particularly during the olive-picking season, but also to help harvest other crops. Apparently, ‘many’ children leave school for a few weeks every season — indeed about 50% of those camp children aged 10 to 14 who combine education and employment report absence from school due to work Whilst such intermittent employment amongst the children of Jerash camp — and potentially other camps — may be higher than captured by the statistics 75, the more widespread child labour amongst ex-Gazans elsewhere may be explained by easier access to work in urban camps where the vast majority of Palestinian refugees reside (for example, Hussein camp has 4.3% working boys aged 10 to 14, Wihdat 4.2%, Zarqa 3.6% and Irbid 3.2%). A final indication that statistics may under-report child labour is the share of children aged 10 to 14 neither employed nor enrolled: 6% of ex-Gazans in Jerash, 7% of ex-Gazans in other camps and 4% of other Palestinian refugees. Here it is worth noting that whereas the sample survey found that a somewhat higher proportion of ex-Gaza boys/young men in Jerash reported leaving school to help support their families compared to ex-Gazans elsewhere and other Palestinian refugees (18%, 15%, 11% for 16 to 24 year olds), exGazans (both male and female) aged 16 to 24 in Jerash camp cite ‘poverty or could/cannot afford it’ as the primary reason for leaving school twice as often as ex-Gazans elsewhere and Palestinian refugees (24%, 12% and 8% respectively amongst males; 19%, 10% and 8% respectively amongst females). It is highly unlikely that many of them go idle all the time. And while some of them, mostly girls, have domestic duties, including caring for younger siblings, the elderly and infirm, one should expect them to take on various kinds of work, paid or unpaid, at least sometimes. A few may also be informal apprentices, which would not necessarily be recorded as work, or education, by the survey. Employment characteristics Even more significant differences emerge between Jerash and non-Jerash ex-Gazans when looking at the type of employment they manage to find, whilst ex-Gazans outside Jerash generally have more similar employment patterns to other Palestinian refugees. Here we will look briefly at the location, duration and security of jobs found by ex-Gazans, while more detailed analysis of local labour market conditions will be discussed in Part 3. Location of work All ex-Gazans are more likely to work inside their camps of residence than their non-exGaza counterparts, but this trend is particularly pronounced in Jerash, where 41% of employed ex-Gazans (aged 15 and above) work inside the camp. Of ex-Gazans in other camps, 33% work inside the camp, while only 26% of other Palestinians work inside camps. This suggests a relative lack of outside-camp opportunities for ex-Gazans as compared to Palestinian refugees holding Jordanian citizenship. However, given the gap between ex-Gazans in Jerash and elsewhere, and that 40% of (the few) non-ex-Gazans in The comprehensive survey was conducted April-June 2011, and the sample survey SeptemberNovember 2011, with most data therefore collected prior to the olive harvesting season which, interviewees confirmed, is the primary period children temporarily leave school to assist with harvesting. Note that the statistics here rely on employment data collected with a one-week reference period only. It is highly likely that a longer reference period would have yielded a higher figure. 75 Fafo Report 2019:34 66