Table 9 Transfer income sources past 12 months by ex-Gaza status. Percentage of households (n=39,336). Ex-Gazans, Jerash Other exGazans Other Palestinian refugees All households Relatives abroad, money 3 2 2 2 Relatives in Jordan, money 37 15 22 22 Relatives abroad, in kind 1 1 1 1 Relatives in Jordan, in kind 12 3 6 6 Other people abroad, money 0 0 0 0 Other people in Jordan, money 3 1 2 2 Retirement pension 4 4 11 10 UNRWA poverty relief payments 17 4 6 7 Commodities from UNRWA 17 5 8 8 UNRWA shelter rehabilitation support 0 0 1 1 National Aid Fund 2 1 12 10 Government cash food subsidy 5 1 4 4 Zakat Fund 13 3 4 4 NGO support 10 2 3 3 Other gifts or transfers 1 0 0 0 A particularly interesting element of transfer income is money and in-kind assistance from relatives. Overall, more than one in five camp households receive money from relatives inside the country, suggesting that family network is an important source of financial support for many families. Ex-Gaza households in Jerash stand out in particular in relying on this network for support, with over one-third receiving money from relatives in Jordan. Strikingly, amongst ex-Gaza households in other camps, less than half this proportion receives any financial assistance from relatives in Jordan. This pattern is mirrored in the proportion receiving in-kind assistance from relatives, where nearly 12% of exGazans in Jerash report such assistance compared to about 3% of ex-Gazans in other camps and 5.5% of other Palestinian refugees. Despite many ex-Gazans in Jerash camp informing us that they hope and take steps to migrate abroad to work in order to enhance household income (as we shall see in chapter 10), the proportion of households that are in fact receiving money from relatives outside Jordan remains small. A final comment on transfers relates to the amounts received. Table 10 shows the reported amount of transfer income in the past year distributed by institutional and private transfers (all the items in Table 9 except retirement pensions and ‘other gifts and transfers’ are included). Although a significantly higher proportion of ex-Gazans in Jerash receive both kinds of transfer, Table 10 suggests that some of these numerous households receive rather small sums, which contributes towards pulling the average amount down. This is visible as far lower means and medians: the institutional transfer received is only half the size of that which is received by other Palestinian refugees, and the private transfer is also significantly smaller, particularly in contrast to ex-Gaza refugees in other camps who on average tend to benefit the most from such transfers. Our data does not allow us to conclude with certainty, however the small sums involved, alongside limited movement outside the camp and accounts in our qualitative interview data, suggest that ‘Just getting by’ Ex-Gazans in Jerash and other refugee camps in Jordan 37