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civil war (Paliwal 2024). Expecting international support – particularly from Western
democracies – the National Unity Government (NUG), which is fighting the military junta,
has promised the repeal of the 1982 citizenship law, full citizenship rights for the Rohingya,
their dignified repatriation, and reparations and justice (Ring 2023). Western support for
NUG, however, has not been forthcoming. Furthermore, whilst the Western countries have
welcomed Ukrainian refugees, their doors are shut to refugees from Myanmar – including
the Rohingya. In the meantime, the fighting ranging in northern Rakhine between the
Arakan Army, the Rohingya armed groups, and the Myanmar military led in 2024 to thousands of casualties and up to 200,000 additional Rohingya refugees fleeing to Bangladesh,
and thousands more to other countries in the surrounding region (International Crisis
Group 2025, 5). The fact that most of the territory of Arakan/Rakhine state is currently
controlled by the Arakan Army has rendered this non-state armed group an interlocutor –
in addition to rulers in Naypyitaw – for efforts to repatriate the Rohingya refugees to their
homelands. Given the present tumultuous situation in Rakhine and Myanmar, a feasible
response to the Rohingya predicament cannot be their return to Rakhine without guarantees of their human rights – and first and foremost of their citizenship rights. A 2023 pilot
repatriation project agreed by Naypyitaw and Dhaka did not provide for the return of
Rohingya to their original abode, did not offer guarantees for the protection of their rights,
and did not factor in their unwillingness to return to insecurity in Rakhine (International
Crisis Group 2023, 18–19) thus violating the principle of non-refoulement once more. The
Rohingya are faced with an impossible choice: return to Myanmar where they are met with
intense repression or remaining in refugee camps and living in immiseration. Both options
for them amount to ‘social death’ (Card 2003). For all these reasons, it has never been more
urgent to act and address the Rohingya tragedy. Most imminently, it is essential that the
international community reverses cuts to the Rohingya humanitarian aid, collaborate with
Dhaka authorities to improve conditions in refugee camps, and facilitate dialogue between
the Arakan Army and Rohingya refugees with the view of ensuring the latter of their human
rights. Rohingya dignity and survival cannot be assured by meagre charity. The international community should pressure the emerging rulers in Naypyitaw and Sittwe to put an
end to extortion against the Rohingya population; acknowledge their suffering and provide
redress; institute Rohingya’s citizenship rights and allow them a dignified return to their
homeland. For as long as the Rohingya are excluded from the Myanmar polity and marginalised to bare existence in neighbouring states, the region risks increased instability
and violence.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Data availability statement
The author confirms that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the
article.