50 N. KAPOOR AND K. NARKOWICZ Parliament, “and that it was not subject to any scrutiny external to the executive” (Home Affairs Committee 2014). They recommended that the Home Secretary report quarterly on its use to the House of Commons and allow the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation to review use of the power. The first report, due in 2017, remains unpublished at the time of writing. For those already in possession of a passport, the Home Secretary can simply make an order, based on information from multiple (police and intelligence) sources, that a person’s passport should be cancelled. To supplement the Home Secretary’s powers, additional legislation permitting crown officials to seize cancelled passports were passed in 2014. A schedule was introduced into the Antisocial Behaviour Crime and Policing Act 2014 which requires the return of a cancelled passport and allows the police to search for and seize it, and any other travel document. Between 2005 and 2012 no individuals had their passport removed under the royal prerogative3 but in 2013 there were six cases reported, in 2014 there were an additional twenty-four cases and in 2015, twenty-three cases reported (Anderson QC 2016, 8). The indication is that trends have continued at similar levels with Home Office officials stating that they expect the powers to be used more widely than previously (Shipman, Kerbaj, and Gadher 2017). Though the confiscation of one’s passport does not equate in legal terms to the deprivation of citizenship, the symbolic and material ramifications on one’s daily life echo the experience of the undocumented. In Britain, passports are not only required for employment purposes, but for renting accommodation, opening a bank account, accessing health and welfare services and learning to drive (Immigration Act 2014). Methods and profile of participants The empirical data presented in this paper were gathered as part of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) funded project Deport, Deprive, Extradite investigating race, citizenship and the state in the context of the War on Terror. We draw here on qualitative fieldwork undertaken between November 2015 and November 2016 in the UK. We conducted eight interviews with individuals whose passports were cancelled. Where they exist, we have analysed legal judgments and documentation relating to some of these cases using content analysis. We also interviewed a lawyer and met with two Muslim organizations that support these individuals in a variety of ways from legal support to counselling. They also assisted us with the recruitment of the participants. Due to the sensitivity of this work and ongoing legal proceedings in many of the cases, we did not record the interviews. Instead all were conducted by two researchers and detailed notes were taken each time. We sent the notes back to participants to check through and as far as possible tried to encourage participants to have their lawyers approve them too. The