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Banal dehumanisation
‘unwanted’ noncitizens is not only vulnerability to a State. It also creates
vulnerability in relation to other individuals (employers, landlords, spouses,
etc.), as well as a more general vulnerability in terms of self-respect and rightsclaiming. ‘Unwanted’ noncitizens may struggle to obtain basic nourishment and
shelter, medical care and education, but also police protection and access to legal
justice. As this book will go on to show, this also relates to noncitizenship more
generally – including that experienced by formal citizens.
Feminist literature has highlighted the relevance of vulnerability, including
vulnerability to, and dependency upon, other individuals, to thinking about political systems. Scholars within this tradition have examined the social structures
that create vulnerability and have argued that a State built upon liberal democratic principles must acknowledge changing needs and address the changing
nature of vulnerability that results.48 This has, for example, in turn driven new
understandings of support for disabled persons and financial and other benefits
for parents. These are persons who have traditionally been assumed necessarily
reliant to different extents upon family structures, even dysfunctional family
structures, for basic life needs. It is now widely recognised in liberal democratic
discourses that structures that place a person’s basic interests in the hands of
another individual enable coercion based on the threat or the reality of withheld
basic needs. It is worth noting the power that the State can give in this context to
some individuals over others.49
State institutions can artificially make otherwise independent individuals
dependent on individual and collective others through the State’s citizenist institutional structure. Such individuals become dependent upon employers, for
example, not only for employment (such that they could take their labour elsewhere if they wanted), but also for immigration documents, for example, when
they are tied to a particular employer. Power over people by virtue of their quasicitizen, or lack of citizen, status is also given to landlords, who may be required
or allowed to check a person’s documents and threaten reporting.
When people are prevented from working and from claiming access to
welfare systems, this risks making those who are already sick or physically
weak, or those who are already vulnerable in other ways, more vulnerable. It
also renders particularly vulnerable those who otherwise would not be. Such
persons become unnecessarily dependent upon employers or charitable institutions, for example, for the satisfaction of their basic needs. As was presented in
Chapter 2, this is contrary to a liberal political theoretical framework that
48 For example, consider the discussion among interviewees of the case study of ‘Francis’ in a
Joseph Rowntree Foundation Report whose situation was described by one respondent in this
way: ‘He has no control over his own destiny’; Suzanne Fitzpatrick, Glen Bramley, Janice
Blenkinsopp, Sarah Johnsen, Mandy Littlewood, Gina Netto, Filip Sosenko and Beth Watts
(2015) ‘Destitution in the UK: An Interim Report’, Joseph Rowntree Foundation Programme
Paper, March 2015.
49 This is addressed in Chapter 10, where the lessons that can be learnt from the development of
feminism are explored in more detail.
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