2019
Statelessness & Citizenship Review
1(2)
for human rights — a consequence of the modern state system — has been
acknowledged. However, although the 29-year-old participant’s citizenship
crucially enabled him to access education and other rights, equal inclusion as a
citizen in the Syrian national community cannot be assumed.
In moving away from looking at citizenship primarily in terms of the
relationship between the citizen and the state, Barry Hindess argues that the
concept of citizenship must also be considered in terms of its role within the
modern system of dividing the world population into subpopulations under the
governance of territorial states. 85 It is through recognition as a citizen by a
sovereign state that an individual is recognised as a member of the current world
order and thereby — through the recognition as such a member rather than as
‘merely human’ — as a rights holder. 86 In the narrative of a 25-year-old woman
from Kurdistan-Turkey, the participant reflects on the necessity of formal legal
citizenship for recognition within the modern state system and explains that, ‘[f]or
me, having a Turkish ID or Turkish passport … was a matter of having a certificate
or a card to exist in the given world’. Conversely, the 25-year-old participant
implies that if she were to not possess her Turkish or any other citizenship and
thereby be rendered de jure stateless, she would not only be excluded from the
Turkish state, but from membership to and recognised existence within the current
world order.
However, understanding nations, and thereby also nation-states, to be
artefactual constructions conceptualised as an ‘imagined community’, rather than
organically deriving from pre-existing ethnic groups, the status as a citizen of a
particular state does not inherently imply affinity. Situating her Turkish citizenship
within the context of her Kurdish identity, the 25-year-old participant elaborates:
‘[t]he reason why I have a Turkish passport is because there is no Kurdistan, not
because I live in another country as a minority. I live in my own land, man. I’m
Kurdish, end of. Period.’ Thus, in light of her previous statement, the participant
suggests that the reason for her possession of Turkish citizenship is not primarily
because she is Turkish, but because possession of citizenship is a fundamental
requirement on both a domestic and global level. She suggests that she has Turkish
citizenship precisely because Kurdistan is not a sovereign state, but that Turkey,
in its capacity as an internationally recognised sovereign state, has the power to
grant globally recognised citizenship, and thereby to provide a certificate to
acknowledge and legitimate the existence of its citizens within the current world
order.
The acquisition of Dutch citizenship is a valuable consideration where
citizenship is coloured as a ‘certificate … to exist in the given world’, whilst
acknowledging the migratory history embedded within Kurds’ recognition as
citizens in the Netherlands. In particular, in cases where citizenship has been
granted following recognition of an individual’s refugee status, Dutch citizenship
becomes intimately associated with protection within a context where the
impossibility of individuals accessing rights and protection in the country of origin
has been established.
The Dutch citizenship is like, it’s great, and I appreciate it, but at the same time it’s
a reminder that I only have this because I can’t have my own … I feel like I only
have Dutch citizenship because I’m actually stateless … And because of the
85
86
Hindess (n 34) 1488.
Arendt (n 11) 373–75; Hayden (n 10) 256.
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