Concluding Remarks: Righting Democratic Wrongs
89
Answer: be that as it may, such a proposal would never be attractive
enough to collect a million signatures. We fail, in addition, to see the legitimacy of giving limited voting rights to EU citizens. Why should it be all
right for them to elect their mayor, but not the member of a legislative
assembly or a president? A collateral advantage of our ECI is that granting
EU citizens full voting rights in their host country would probably increase
general awareness of – and interest in – European elections. This would in
turn almost certainly boost the turnout and the visibility of such polls. A bold
and supranational step, such as the one we propose, would also give Europe
a more definite structure, de facto, rather than leaving it stuck in a halfway
house between a confederation and an association.
3) Further amendment: conditions of residence and the question of
whether one could potentially vote in two countries need to be envisaged.
Obviously such issues will have to be dealt with, but they are not within
our remit.
4) Last objection: dealing with third-country nationals is paramount.
Should they acquire EU citizenship, third-country nationals would of
course benefit from our ECI, but their rights are outside its scope.
There are clearly political, philosophical and legal aspects to take into
account – there would also be economic consequences to any change in the
status quo. Debates about EU citizenship are, more than ever, debates about
the future of Europe itself – and thus carry huge symbolic value too. Hannes
Swoboda rightly affirms that ‘the necessary evolution of EU citizenship
leads to a gradually growing relevance of residence as [the] defining criterion for the exercise of related rights.’ As in clothes shops where ‘one size
fits all’ generally means nothing will be a perfect fit for anyone, our ECI falls
short of some people’s ideal scenario. The five options David Owen sets out
offer unequal advantages, though he stresses that the ECI ticks a number of
boxes. Obviously we are aware that obtaining and implementing voting
rights for EU nationals in their country of residence (or allowing them to
choose between voting in their home country and their state of residence)
will be an uphill struggle. However, Tony Venables hits the nail on the head
when he states that ‘the right to vote is so fundamental to democracy that
any arguments reflecting the difficulties of putting it into effect pale into
insignificance’.
The different cases made for and against our ECI in the EUDO forum
debate have but strengthened our resolve. There is broad consensus that the
current situation is untenable. The idea that our proposal is ‘timely’ is men-
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