108 R. Bellamy a cosmopolitan statist perspective on the EU. I shall then deploy this perspective to comment on Floris de Witte’s three arguments, noting in each case how free movement can be defended while stopping short of the view he advocates.  osmopolitan statism, EU citizenship and freedom C of movement On the account I adopt, the most normatively appealing and empirically plausible way of conceiving the EU is as a republic of democratic nation states. The argument is broadly Kantian, tweaked to accommodate contemporary concerns and conditions. It is both statist and cosmopolitan, and orientated around the value of non-domination. It is statist in arguing that to institute justice among individuals who reasonably disagree about its nature and application requires the establishment of a sovereign authority to govern the relations of those who share a social space. Yet if that authority is to be non-dominating and not itself a source of injustice, it must be under the equal influence and control of those to whom it applies. Therefore, justice implies the establishment of both a state and a democratic regime within it. Just relations can only pertain among citizens. However, in an interconnected world it becomes possible not only for states and their citizens to dominate other states and their citizens, both directly and indirectly, but also for various non-state agents and agencies, such as corporations and terrorist groups, to do so. That possibility increases when not all states operate democratically, with such non-democratic states not only dominating their own citizens, but also more likely to seek to dominate the citizens of other states too and to provide a haven for non-state agents and agencies to do so as well. Meanwhile, citizens of all states have various reasons to move freely between states– some to escape dominating or failing regimes, others to trade, find employment and for leisure, among other motives. As a result, states have good cause to cooperate and establish supranational legal and political structures to prevent their mutual domination, help them support non-dominating regimes in states where they do not as yet exist or are under threat, tackle domination from other non-state sources, and to facilitate the free movement of citizens between these states in ways that avoid ‘Between Cosmopolis and Community: Justice and Legitimacy in A European Union of Peoples’, in S. Tierney (ed.), Nationalism and Globalisation: New Settings, New Challenges, 207–232. Oxford: Hart; and (2016) (with S. Kröger), ‘Beyond a Constraining Dissensus: The Role of National Parliaments in Domesticating and Normalising the Politicization of European Integration’, Comparative European Politics 14 (2): 131–153.