110 R. Bellamy De Witte’s three arguments De Witte’s first argument favouring free movement is that it emancipates the individual from the nation state. He offers rather different instances of this emancipation. One of his examples, that of an LGBT couple denied recognition in their country of birth, concerns a denial of human rights within a given state. The others, such as the retired teacher from Middlesbrough seeking to enjoy her pension in Lanzarote, relate to various personal choices that will be facilitated through freedom of movement between states, some involving more significant interests than others. He claims that emphasis on nationality only provides public recognition to individuals on the basis of a single dimension that ignores or even suppresses the other dimensions of people’s lives – as he puts it, in a statement I find extraordinary, ‘the nation state’s mode of social integration reduces the incredibly complex individual to a one-dimensional being.’ This hyperbole grossly mischaracterises the role of nationality within the public cultures of the member states, all of which are constitutional democracies. It is not as if the retired teacher is obliged by UK law to only spend her pension on holidaying in an approved British seaside resort with suitably grey weather and wearing a hat displaying the Union Jack. The legal systems of most member states uphold rights to as diverse a range of life style choices as are to be found across the EU, even if all states fall short in certain respects, some more egregiously than others. Yet all these rights require a political infrastructure to determine and enforce them. This infrastructure involves citizens of any polity in a complex set of mutual obligations, that in the case of securing many rights – such as pensions – require a degree of solidarity among them. Emancipation from these sorts of bonds constitutes a form of free-riding that is ultimately self-defeating for all but a privileged few. For these very bonds make the rights individuals claim possible in the first place.3 The retired teacher would not wish to go to Lanzarote if such an infrastructure was not in place that ensured a system of property rights sufficient to allow her holiday home to be built and uphold her civil rights to personal security once there, and would not have a pension enabling her to do so in the first place if she had not worked under a similar regime in the UK. Any system of free movement, therefore, has to be such that it respects and upholds the two systems of citizenship rights that make her movement from one to the other possible in the first place. 3 I have criticised a somewhat similar argument to de Witte’s by Dimitry Kochenov in Bellamy, R. (2015), ‘A Duty Free Europe? What’s Wrong with Kochenov’s Account of EU Citizenship Rights’, European Law Review 21 (4): 558–565.