264 E. WEIZMAN advise, rebuild demolished homes, guide tours, console, encourage, disseminate informa­ tion and contribute in other innovative ways, including artistic production. Most of them enter ‘forbidden’ places,1 take part in civil disobedience, sharing their contempt of the Israeli state and its legal symbols. Many support and actively promote the Palestinian call for boycott, divestment and sanctions2 against the State of Israel. Their actions and demonstrations also take place on the Israeli side of the Green Line – the demarcation boundary of Israel prior to the 1967 war. They seek to disrupt the normality of Israeli life, raise awareness or use their bodies to oppose actions by agents of the state. Disobeying orders and laws, many have been arrested, detained, injured, harassed and denounced by their own families, community and society at large. Still, they continue to struggle. It is their activism, their constant, uncompromising and uncomfortable acts of resistance,3 that make them anti-colonial, Jewish Israeli citizens who reject being com­ plicit in the Zionist colonial project that purports to act in their names. This small group of Jewish-Israeli anticolonial (or anti-Zionist) activists is not unified for there are divisions and disagreement over strategies, priorities and activities. What unites them is what is pertinent for the discussion here. While being a part of the privileged group of settler-citizens they actively reject and fight to dismantle Zionist ideology and practice, recognising its structural racialised hierarchies of privilege. My focus on the small group of self-defining anti-Zionists is grounded in the understanding that ‘to bring about a radical change in (the) present structure . . . depends upon how clearly those people advocating change want a change and understand the system they are facing’ (Deloria [1970] 2007, 67). I exclude many other activists whose critique is limited to the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip for they accept the existence of Israel as a ‘Jewish and democratic’ state, albeit a deeply flawed one. I thus focus on committed ‘anticolonial settler-activists’. I explore the paradoxes of their position, how can one ‘refuse an ideology while continuing to live with its actual relationship’? (Memmi [1957] 2003, 64). I intend to explore the possibilities and condi­ tions under which settler citizens can resist the structures that give them privileges and become allies in anticolonial struggle. This article offers a conceptual reflection on the role and positionality of the anticolonial settler-citizen, with a focus on Israel/Palestine. These reflections are based on existing empirical research previously conducted by myself and others,4 as well as my own experi­ ence and questions I have asked myself as a settler scholar, anti-Zionist Jewish Israeli, who thinks and writes about the Zionist settler colonial project in Palestine from afar. The article investigates how activists take up the role of the ‘anti-colonial settler’ and attempts to understand the possibilities and limits to resisting their structural positions as settlers. I put forward three interrelated arguments. First, that in settler states, citizenship, as a legal institution and structure of privileges, is founded on and functions through violence. I trace the evolution of citizenship law at the birth of the Israeli state, thus exposing the links between settler colonialism, violence, law and the institution of citizenship. Second, building on the writing of Albert Memmi and Franz Fanon, I argue that the settler colonial condition – enshrined in the duties and norms of ‘settler citizenship’ – imposes a set of paradoxes on those settler-citizens who wish to resist the colonial condition and struggle against it, thus limiting the possibilities for settler solidarity and co-resistance. Thirdly, I trace the role of violence and nonviolence in the (anti)colonial project, as key to unravelling the impossibility of overcoming the inherent