IDPs188 are particularly vulnerable to losing identification documentation, with many having fled the regions most affected by conflict. As noted elsewhere, the mere facts of having lost documentation or coming from regions with destroyed public administration and civil registers are not sufficient to raise the risk of statelessness; rather other traits, such as having a migrant background or having ties, or perceived ties, with foreign States, would need to be present. Further analysis of the risks of statelessness and documentation issues of those who have experienced internal displacement in Côte d’Ivoire should be undertaken. 5.5. Contemporary migrants, including trafficked persons Less than half of all foreigners in Côte d’Ivoire have migrated there from their countries of origin in their lifetimes. The liberal rules related to freedom of movement in ECOWAS countries means that many migrants have been able to travel and continue to subsist without personal identification documentation. Most migrants who arrived in Côte d’Ivoire after a certain age are able to articulate at least some facts about their country of birth, parentage (when parents are known), and circumstances of their migration. With this information, it is often possible to establish a link to their countries of origin, even if this might require various administrative steps and the assistance of community organizations or international agencies with cross-border ties. As such, most undocumented migrants are not stateless. However, children of undocumented migrants born in a host country, particularly those born in Côte d’Ivoire where it is difficult for foreigners to acquire nationality, or born in a third-country, can be at risk of statelessness.189 Much will depend on an individual’s circumstances, such as the time spent in a host country, and the level of contacts maintained with the country of origin. The move of many States to adopt systems of biometric identification might raise the risk of statelessness among undocumented migrants. For example, local consular delegates previously had a wide range of discretion in determining whether someone was Burkinabè. According to the new biometric system, consular agents require applicants for consular cards to proffer a copy of a birth certificate. As such, presumably a higher portion of the Burkinabè migrant community in Côte d’Ivoire will face a harder time obtaining consular cards than in the past. As migrants have children in their host country, the longer they remain without documentation, the harder it will be to establish ties to their original country of origin. There are some communities made up primarily of recent Burkinabè migrants where this latent risk of statelessness remains present. Take, for example, the village of Thomasset on the outskirts of Abidjan, an agricultural community with planters and field workers, some of whom are seasonal, living in informal field settlements (campements). Interviews revealed that many Burkinabè workers in this community had immigrated to Côte d’Ivoire within the last twenty years or so. Many are undocumented, but can nevertheless articulate the year and circumstances of their family and immigration histories; most came to Côte d’Ivoire after they had attained majority. Again, their undocumented status renders them neither stateless nor immediately at risk of statelessness. However a risk of statelessness can increase over time, in particular for their children born in Côte d’Ivoire. 188 The 2010-2011 post-election violence in Côte d’Ivoire resulted in the internal displacement of around one million persons. Brookings LSE Project on Internal Displacement, Livelihoods, Gender and Internal Displacement in Côte d’Ivoire: Between Vulnerability and Resiliency, April 2013. After the crisis subsided by 2012, most of those internally displaced have returned to their homes. It was estimated that around 40,00080,000 persons remained displaced in 2014. Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, Côte d’Ivoire Country Profile. 189 Manby, supra note 13. 52