these efforts too are not coordinated. In particular it is striking how electoral registration has massive resources allocated to the process each time elections come around, yet this periodic assistance is rarely shaped in such as way as to form the nucleus of a national identity documentation system. Nationality law reform itself is rarely on the international agenda, except for the removal of gender discrimination: although international law does create obligations to prevent and reduce of statelessness, as well as in relation to non-discrimination and due process, nationality is too often seen as being within the sovereignty of individual states and too sensitive to address. 6.6. Regional cooperation mechanisms are badly needed There is a lack of cooperation between countries to resolve cases of where nationality is in doubt. While there may be contact between consular authorities to obtain agreement on the nationality of a person without documents in order to arrange deportation, there is no positive system to establish nationality and documents for a person where it is clear that he or she can only lay claim to the nationality of two possible states, but both states are currently disputing that claim. Consular authorities, courts and immigration and nationality officials not unreasonably understand their task to be to ensure that those who are not entitled to nationality documentation do not receive it. While there may be some flexibility in recognition of nationality — especially where the pressures to limit access are not high and where national laws are relatively generous or ambiguous (or indeed where money is offered) — the fundamental concern of those within the administration is to police the boundaries of the system. Under the current legal systems in West Africa, there is no requirement on such officials to ensure that individuals are not left stateless. Nationality systems concentrate on ensuring that only those persons who are clearly entitled to the nationality of that particular country obtain the documents proving nationality; they do not focus on ensuring that a person has documentation of at least one of the states where he or she fulfils the relevant qualifications; or, as a last resort, in providing a status of stateless person to someone who somehow does not fulfil the qualifications in any particular state – and a route to a recognised nationality for that person and his or her descendants. Thus, there are living within West Africa uncounted thousands of people who are clearly West Africans but do not have the documentation of any one state. This study was too limited in scope to identify individuals who had applied for documentation and been rejected – or given up, dispirited – in more than one country. However, it seems likely that, in the event that requirements to carry identity documentation were universally implemented, large numbers of people might find themselves in a situation where they could not obtain recognition of nationality from any state: that is, stateless. Some state representatives recognise this situation; for example, a consular official in Conakry spoke of heart-breaking situations where people claiming to be nationals of his country come to seek a passport or other document but had no proof of their connection. They may have left the country as a child, no longer speak any national language fluently, and have no knowledge of their “home” village. The consular authorities will make inquiries and try to trace family, but if they cannot find anyone to vouch for the connection, they cannot help. There is no system to coordinate with the Guinean (or any other relevant) authorities to decide if the person has another nationality, for example to 94