Oxford Monitor of Forced Migration Vol. 7 No. 2 The LIFOS database in Sweden, which provides SMA caseworkers with information and guidance upon which to make better-informed decisions, only provides information on the major causes of statelessness in some states, including Syria, though this is not presented thematically (LIFOS, 2016). The information on statelessness found on LIFOS is far from comprehensive in terms of providing caseworkers with the information they need to be able to identify statelessness globally. Indeed, for some countries of origin, from which large numbers of asylum seekers arrive in Sweden, who have known and documented stateless populations, information on statelessness is not available. Further to this, research has suggested that the use of LIFOS by SMA caseworkers varies considerably, as discussed in Helge Flärd’s (2006) report The Use, Misuse and Non– Use of Country of Origin Information in the Swedish Asylum Process. If a stateless refugee in Sweden has their nationality incorrectly recorded, or their statelessness is not accepted by the SMA, they cannot appeal this (Migrationsverket, 2016a). However, when appealing the rejection of an asylum application, a re-evaluation of the statelessness of the applicant can occur if it is seen as relevant to establishing persecution. In the case of a stateless Bidoon from Kuwait who claimed asylum in Sweden, the Migration Board rejected the application as the individual had not provided sufficient documentary evidence to prove that he was an unregistered Bidoon, or provided a passport to prove when he had left Kuwait. There were also doubts about the claim that the persecution he faced was linked to his political involvement. Upon appealing the decision, the Migration Court found that the individual, as a Bidoon, was not issued identity documents and did not have the right to work or access to education or medical care. The Migration Court also stated that the evidence he had provided established that he was an unregistered Bidoon. As such, given that the individual had a well-founded fear of being subjected to further persecution as an unregistered Bidoon, he was granted permanent residence as a refugee (Migrationsöverdomstolen, 2011). Due to the lack of law, policy or guidance that the SMA have to work with when identifying statelessness amongst refugees, it is likely that some stateless refugees have had their statelessness incorrectly assessed and have been unable to challenge this. UNHCR (2016) also note that this lack of law, policy, and standardisation of nationality statuses means that individuals can have different statuses recorded in the Migration Agency Register and the Population Register in Sweden. This can have negative consequences for an individual in their ability to prove their identity when they apply for naturalisation, as will be discussed below. Criteria for Naturalisation: Resolving Statelessness Bevelander and Pendakur (2012) describe the liberalisation of Sweden’s citizenship policy over the last six decades. This liberalisation has seen a reduction in the residency requirement, the allowing of dual citizenship, the removal of language proficiency tests and the relaxation and eventual abolition of a subsistence requirement (ibid). This process began in the 1950s and the trend towards more liberal access to citizenship has continued until recently. The temporary asylum law can be seen as a temporary shift in this trend, one that is seeking to increase the criteria some refugees must meet in order to be able to acquire citizenship, through restricted access to permanent residence. Even before the implementation of the temporary asylum law, UNHCR’s report Mapping Statelessness in Sweden, which did not differentiate between the naturalisation 27