2021 Statelessness & Citizenship Review 3(2) their advantage. Sometimes, resistance is actually performed through obeying, although such requests were considered wrongful. Leila visited the Lebanese embassy several times. She knew that Lebanon would not allow her to enter, but in accordance with the instructions from the SMA, she applied for an entry visa, at one time using her temporary residence permit, which she was given only for the reason that the SMA believed that that was required by Lebanon. The Lebanese embassy told her that Palestinian refugees would not be able to enter Lebanon and that they would not provide the required documents. At one point, she acquired a flight ticket but was not allowed to board the flight. The event was recorded by Leila’s brother. 139 Thus, one way of resisting is to turn the mechanisms used by the SMA around and show that the requirements are contradictory and impossible to meet. Engaging in hunger strikes and other modes of self-harm are rare tactics but nevertheless appear with a certain frequency in the Swedish context as a means of counter-conduct. Stateless Palestinians in Sweden have used hunger strikes as collective acts of resistance in Gothenburg in 2014 and in Malmö in 2015, 140 and individually, such as Ahmed’s refusal to eat for two months in early 2020. Ahmed explained that he would rather die in dignity than be denied his rights. His hunger strike was a way to draw attention to his situation and show the actual consequences of migration politics. SPATIAL RESISTANCE: ‘THIS IS A PRISON’ A part of governmentality is the spatial constraint and discipline enacted through the regulation of where asylum seekers are allowed to stay during the process 141 and where deportees are allowed to be localised. 142 In November 2019, a new judgment clarified that persons with temporary residence due to impediments to enforcement lack the right to stay in the accommodations organised by the SMA. This was a reason behind Ahmed’s decision to conduct his hunger strike and sleep outside the accommodation in Vänersborg. Ahmed received a decision deporting him to Gaza, to where he did not consider it at all possible or realistic to return. Thus, he, and many others, lived out of place, in a spatial limbo, as present but absent at the same time. His hunger strike and tent stay outside of the building was a direct performance of a claim to a right to stay. Territorial control of migrants rests on a number of mechanisms through which the state increasingly restricts and governs the mobility of migrants. 143 Migrants’ mobility is also hampered through modes of choking, cramping, chasing away, 139 The author was provided with personal communication and documents by the claimant (copy on hand with author). 140 But see Helena Lindholm Schulz, ‘Statslöst och skyddslöst i tälten på Järntorget’, Göteborgs- Posten (online, 6 September 2014) <https://www.pressreader.com/sweden/goteborgsposten/20140906/281887296499254>. 141 Asylum seekers are either to stay in accommodation organised by the SMA or by themselves. In 2020, it was decided that municipalities could refuse funding allowances for asylum seekers organising their own accommodation in certain areas so as to avoid crowding in socalled exposed areas, which is believed to be an impediment for integration. For example, Gothenburg excluded the whole city for such accommodation in an attempt to completely exclude asylum seekers from the city. 142 Bloch and Schuster (n 3) 493. 143 But see David Scott Fitzgerald, ‘Remote Control of Migration: Theorising Territoriality, Shared Coercion and Deterrence’ (2019) 46(1) Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 4. 284