nationals of Palestine.
When it came to Palestinian nationality, Palestinian petitioners regularly
referenced article 34 of the Treaty of Lausanne, reminding British authorities of
their obligation to abide by international law—or, in the least, the treaties to which
they were signatories. In June 1927, for example, a delegation of Palestinian
nationalists from Bethlehem and Beit Jala that formed the Committee for the
Defense of the Rights of Palestinians Residing in Foreign Countries, presented a
petition to the Government of Palestine in Jerusalem. They situated Palestinian
migrants’ rights to Palestinian nationality within article 34 of the treaty:
The logical conclusion to be deduced from the stipulations of the article is that the
emigrants of this land who belong to the majority, enjoy the right to Palestinian
nationality. We do not for a moment consider that the British Government would
want to deprive them of this right.
Palestinian petitioners in Palestine and abroad set a precedent for demanding
justice based on international legal treaties, and the British mandate regime
continually disregarded them with impunity for the duration of its occupation of
Palestine.
Seizing on Statehood and the Treaty of Lausanne
Until 2012, when the UN recognized Palestine as a de jure sovereign state,
Palestinians in exile had limited resources to claim Palestinian nationality. But
with statehood, the PLO finally drafted a citizenship law in 2012 recognizing the
conferral of Palestinian nationality based on the Treaty of Lausanne, including for
Palestinians in exile: “Palestinian citizens are those persons who acquired or had
the right to acquire Palestinian nationality as of 6 August 1924.” However, the
Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) never considered the law due to the legal
complexities involved; namely, identifying how Palestinian citizenship would be
conferred on a fragmented population of refugees across the world, and of
8
The Case for Palestinian Nationality
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