and girls are also concerned about the impact on their futures. As a woman explained, Women and girls do not speak out about their experiences as they are concerned that Rohingya men will refuse to marry them in the future. 4.4. Impunity and a Lack of Recourse to Legal Remedies Multiple factors combine to establish systems of impunity and prevent women from accessing support after their experiences of trauma and sexual violence. Rohingyas in Rakhine state, with their diminished legal and social status, have, for decades, received extremely weak legal protections from state authorities. This has led to an ongoing system of impunity including with regard to offences committed by the security forces and/ or government employees.49 Corruption, discrimination and arbitrariness are prevalent throughout Myanmar’s judicial and administrative system.50 Prosecutions of perpetrators and protections for victims of trafficking and sexual violence have further been interrupted in Rohingya areas by the conflicts and competition between the parallel state structures of SAC and ULAAA since the coup. One worker in a community support organisation stated, “There are no good mechanisms to address the problems of sexual and gender-based violence in Rakhine for Rohingya women and girls. Police do not pay attention - even in rape cases people have to pay hefty bribes to get the investigation started. After the coup, nobody wanted to go to the police and government institution as ULA-AA influence over the justice system was growing in Rakhine. Before we could access some limited support from international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) but now most GBV services have been stopped due to SAC restrictions on agencies” Further, for offenses including sexual and gender-based violence that occur within the community or home, communities across Rakhine and Myanmar have long turned to their own local-level judicial, arbitration and mediation systems. With social support structures weak in some areas, particularly rural areas, Rohingya women also encounter many barriers at the local level to accessing counselling and support, as well as exiting abusive situations. As one woman explained, In Buthidaung, we do not have a Rohingya organisation or group who are helping those GBV cases, but in Rakhine community, they have their own support systems and legal assistance to those who suffer domestic violence and sexual abuses. 5. CONCLUSION The pressure and impact for Rohingyas and displaced Muslims of living under parallel state structures in Rakhine, both of which effectively treat them as noncitizens, has increased immobilities, insecurities and financial hardships. Intersectional forms of discrimination mean that Rohingya women and girls are particularly impacted in Rakhine State. Increased vulnerabilities for Rohingya women and girls compel them to leave their homes in Rakhine State to seek security and stability elsewhere in countries such as Malaysia, Thailand and elsewhere. Compounded by the precariousness of their situations at home, experiences of forced migration can quickly turn to violence, exploitation and extortion during the journey or at the destination stage. It is vital that safe routes out of the country are available to genocide survivors. Whilst routes out of the country are a vital lifeline for some, for others they have become fraught with violence, abuse and risk to life. The deprivation of citizenship and movement restrictions drives a system in which brokers and parallel states gain revenue from facilitating the movement of people. Further, there is a strong link between the deprivation of Rohingyas citizenship in Myanmar and the denial of the right of return. Since the 1990s, those that leave the country are struck from the household registers, effectively erasing their permanent residence. Thus, a move out of the country, in most cases, is permanent. As one Rohingya interviewee explained: They do not want Rohingya in Rakhine and they cannot drive us out. So, many people feel that is why they (state and pseudo state officials) are helping those human smugglers if the Rohingya want to go outside. Many are concerned that the facilitation of travel out of the country assists broader strategies to remove Rohingya from Rakhine State, and at the same time generates revenue for state-like structures. The experiences of Rohingya women and girls captured in this report shows that almost five years on from the atrocities of 2017, and over a year since the coup of 2021, the cost of living in Rakhine state is only matched by the price of trying to flee. In both contexts, women and girls are impacted in particular, disproportionate and gendered ways. 15