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It is therefore not for the Commission to make the point that the creation
of EU citizenship has indeed contributed to the hollowing out of national
citizenship, not by taking away the prerogatives of national citizens (voting
in national elections remains overwhelmingly reserved to national citizens
only), but by incentivising its instrumentalisation for reasons of domestic
gain (in Malta’s case, a wish to improve the financial situation of a micro
state buffeted by the effects of the Eurozone crisis).
But what about the European Parliament? As the democratically elected
representative of the people(s) of the European Union and its Member States,
and as a body elected on a franchise that deliberately goes beyond borders, the
European Parliament can and indeed should take a careful look at the issues
that the Maltese case raises. Yet it should do so not through a narrow focus on
Malta, but rather through taking a sober look at the wider injustices and negative effects on democratic principles that may be highlighted by this newly
identified dimension of the Fortress Europe construction (and how ironic it is,
that Malta is also at the frontline of the physical Fortress Europe, as an island
state located close to the southern shoreline of the Mediterranean sea).
‘Intervention’ is much too strong a word for whatever it is that the
European Parliament could and should do on 15 January, when it debates the
issue of EU citizenship for sale. But a first and wide-ranging reflection on
some of the emerging consequences of EU citizenship for national democracies would at least be a start. 2013 was the year of the EU citizen. It did not
do much to raise public awareness about EU citizenship and it ended with
moves towards its commodification. Wouldn’t it be appropriate for the
European Parliament to start the new year with a real debate on the relation
between national and EU citizenship?
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