the kind of man who will not live on land that is not registered under my name. Law is law, it will not protect idiots. I can be kicked out at any time if it is not registered under my name208. The inability to legally own property outside camps and the very short openings of the real estate market that have been available to ex-Gazans was voiced as a considerable concern and a significant barrier to moving out of Jerash camp. Furthermore, the agricultural nature of Jerash governorate — and the practice of leasing land for harvesting and herding by Jerash residents — suggests that Jerash refugees could benefit more from holding land outside the camp than others. The recent announcement by the Prime Minister in November 2018 that ownership rights are to be opened to ex-Gazans is thus a welcome policy which may have a significant positive impact on ex-Gazans in Jerash in particular. Pursuing higher education for work and migration As seen in chapter 5, ex-Gazans in Jerash camp are more often enrolled in education than ex-Gazans in other camps while they outperform both other ex-Gazans and other Palestinian refugees in terms of holding university degrees. On the whole, higher education protects against income poverty for ex-Gazans, as for other Palestinian refugees (see Figure 8). Yet nearly 15% of day labourers in Jerash camp hold secondary or higher education, illustrating the difficulty Jerash residents face in reaping the benefits of higher education. The previous sections looked in some detail at the jobs done by Jerash residents, and these were shown to be predominantly in sectors not requiring higher education. Accessible white-collar jobs outside of UNRWA, such as teaching in private school, often have precarious tenure, pay, and other benefits. So why — given the considerable costs associated with university studies — do so many Jerash residents continue to pursue post-secondary academic degrees? And why do they pursue degrees geared towards sectors in which they as non-citizens are barred from working? As seen in chapter 5, young ex-Gazans living in other camps — most of whom reside in Hitteen and the urban camps in and around Amman (Wihdat, Hussein, and Baqa’a) — more often choose community colleges offering vocational or professional studies relevant to the sectors where ex-Gazans tend to work, while a lower proportion pursue university studies). The previous sections have shown that there is no clear labour market niche available for Jerash camp residents. As has been shown elsewhere amongst camp refugees in Jordan (Marar, 2011), pursuing further academic education is thus portrayed as the sole — if only slim — chance to seek a better living. As two women aged around thirty from Jerash camp summarized 209: Woman 1: If you don’t study and find a good job, you do not have a future. You will keep looking for work in construction companies, or you will become a menial worker. […] Woman 2: Look, in the camp we don’t have right to work; take a Jordanian, if he did the tawjihi and fails, he has the option of going into the army or into the mukhabarat [General Intelligence Department]; you feel that his future is secure [...] But with us, if you don’t finish school, you will either become a cleaner or a construction worker. Woman 1: You are either educated or you are a menial worker. 208 209 Male, age 32, Jerash camp, 3 February 2016. Females, age 29 and 30, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. Fafo Report 2019:34 116