Nevertheless, electricians, various engineers, and accountants from Jerash camp were — or had been — employed in private companies in Amman and Aqaba, with regular contracts paid 220 to 400 JD per month, and sometimes with social security. A few nurses had reportedly managed to secure temporary employment in private hospitals in Amman, with temporary syndicate enrolment and practicing licences issued by the Ministry of Health. Two interviewees mentioned ex-Gaza doctors or dentists working ‘evening shifts’ (illegally) in clinics belonging to Jordanian citizens, but this was not widely reported. My friend, the doctor, had an opportunity to work in a clinic without the permission to practice, but that was kept secret of course. [...] A Jordanian doctor can own a clinic and work there from morning until 6 pm. After 6 pm, another doctor would fill his place for emergency. So he hires doctors like my friend. [Interviewer: Do they have contracts?] No. He would just know that the person he is hiring is a doctor and has certificates, so he would ask him to handle the emergencies at the clinic at night. There are no inspections at night anyway. There are no inspections after 3 pm146. Private schools Although ex-Gazans generally cannot enrol in the teachers’ syndicate and thus are not provided with the syndicate license, they can, and are, employed in private schools 147. Procedurally, the DPA writes a letter recommending their employment in private schools, and they need, as do other citizens, a clean criminal record check in order to commence teaching. For university-educated ex-Gaza women from Jerash camp, teaching in private schools is one of few feasible and respectable professions available; some working in Jerash city, others in Amman — often in schools where family members or neighbours from Jerash camp already work 148. Teaching not only provides an income, but also moral status and value within the community 149. Yet, symptomatic of ex-Gazans’ overall precarious status in the labour market, the annual security clearance required reportedly prevents schools from offering them permanent contracts. Interviewees were divided in whether they thought private schools prioritize Jordanian citizens, or whether they actually preferred ex-Gaza women as they were known to be well-educated and could be paid less than their Jordanian counterparts. A recurrent grievance voiced amongst female teachers concerned the signing of multiple contracts to circumvent minimum wage requirements. As a former female teacher told us: The first time when they made me sign a contract at work, they made me sign two contracts, the first for 90 JD, that was between me and the private school, and in order that the Ministry of Labour doesn’t cause them [the school] problems, because 180 JD is the minimum [wage]150, they made me sign another contract [with a wage of] 180 JD 151. Male, age 40s, Manshiyyeh, 31 January 2016. Following a government decision to not to allow guest workers to serve in private schools and a number of ex-Gazans losing their jobs, it was subsequently clarified that the decision did not include ex-Gazans (Azzeh, 2016). 148 Female, age 26, Jerash town, 27 January 2016. 149 Male, age 23, Jerash camp, 28 January 2016. 150 The minimum wage at the time of interviews was 190 JD (it has since been raised to 220 JD at the time of writing). Interviewees may be reporting the minimum wage after social security deductions, which would be close to 180 JD. 151 Female, age 29, Jerash camp, 17 January 2016. 146 147 ‘Just getting by’ Ex-Gazans in Jerash and other refugee camps in Jordan 101