All Ears to the Ground increased over decades alongside land dispossession, the systematic dismantlement of Palestinian political structures and the erasure or disciplining of Palestinian history and identity.34 Kurdish populations in Syria are often described as having been stripped of their citizenship primarily through the 1962 census.35 This was accompanied by land dispossession, administrative and physical violence. The differentiated registration categories of belonging originating from the census institutionalised exclusion, further enabling systematic discrimination and administrative erasure.36 The Rohingya of Myanmar are generally understood to have been rendered stateless by the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law (‘1982 Citizenship Law’),37 which made full citizenship rights dependent on membership of an ethnic group considered to be ‘national’ by the state. Rohingya collective claims to status as a national group were denied.38 These legal tools were used alongside mass expulsions to Bangladesh, land confiscation and dispossession, economic exclusion and a travel permit system that held in place the architecture of segregation.39 Looking to these processes or sets of broader practices in the context of citizenship stripping is important in considering different modes of resistance. This is because communities of resistance respond in ways that highlight the state use of different practices, whilst simultaneously reasserting and rejuvenating their own identities of belonging. This Part now identifies and contextualises five non-exhaustive contemporary modes of citizenship violence within these broader processes. The first mode is the re-categorisation of people as foreigners, second class citizens or outsiders through administrative and legal means. Following Myanmar’s independence from Britain, Rohingyas were provided with the same national identification cards as all other citizens. In the 1990s, after a new ID system was implemented based on the 1982 Citizenship Law, Rohingyas were gradually re-categorised as non-citizens. Over time, they were labelled as ‘Bengalis’ or foreigners in other documentation such as temporary registration cards and family registration documents. Similarly, Kurdish people in Syria were also re-categorised as foreigners after the 1962 census.40 They were divided into two categories of non-citizens – ajanib (‘aliens’ or ‘foreigners’) for those who were registered in the census and re-categorised as foreigners with red identity cards, and maktoumeen (‘unregistered’, ‘concealed’ or ‘hidden’) for those who 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 Tamir Sorek, ‘The Changing Patterns of Disciplining Palestinian National Memory in Israel’ in Elia Zureik, David Lyon and Yasmeen Abu-Laban (eds), Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine: Population, Territory and Power (Routledge 2011) 114; Rashid Khalidi, The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917– 2017 (Metropolitan Books 2020). Haqqi Bahram, ‘Too Little Too Late?: Naturalisation of Stateless Kurds and Transitional Justice in Syria’ in Tendayi Bloom and Lindsey N Kingston (eds), Statelessness, Governance, and the Problem of Citizenship (Manchester University Press 2021) 264, 264 (‘Too Little Too Late?’). Thomas McGee, ‘Implications of Legal Identity Documentation Issued by the Kurdish-led Self Administration in Northern Syria: Competition and Compromise with the Central State’ (2023) 27(7) Citizenship Studies 835; Bahram, ‘Too Little Too Late?’ (n 35) 268. Burma Citizenship Law 1982 (Myanmar). See Kyaw (n 30) 14, 23–44; Elizabeth L Rhoads, ‘Citizenship denied, deferred and assumed: a legal history of racialized citizenship in Myanmar’ (2023) 27(1) Citizenship Studies 38, 38. See generally, Brinham, Citizenship and Genocide Cards (n 4). Natalie Brinham, ‘Looking Beyond Invisibility: Rohingyas’ Dangerous Encounters with Papers and Cards’ (2019) 24(2) Tilburg Law Review 156 (‘Looking Beyond Invisibility’). Bahram, ‘Too Little Too Late?’ (n 35) 264. 13