Juan Carlos Sarazua
amongst liberals themselves forced the reform of this condition in 1885. Thus, Article
8 eliminated the access to citizenship for the simple fact of belonging to the army.
This same article emphasised that citizenship could be accessed if one knew how “to
read and write, or had income or industry, trade or a profession that provided with
means of subsistence”. That is, faced with the practice of military caudillismo, the
opportunity was opened to people who could read and who did not necessarily belong
to the armed forces13.
2.1. Women, indigenous populations and others
From 1823, with the formation of the Federal Republic, the political elites doubted the
way to proceed with regards to the indigenous, mestizo, mulatto and black population
within the framework of a community of citizens, with shared rights and obligations
that were supposed to be equal. As heirs of colonial hierarchies, each of these
population groups had been differentiated by means of colonial regulations. The
challenge, then, was to integrate all within citizenship but this step implied the
renunciation of ascribing privileges and different obligations to each. Given the
majoritarian presence of the indigenous population, the elites in Guatemala oscillated
over the years between their assimilation and segregation with regards to citizenship
rights. In a study focusing on the way the state and the political elites approached the
construction of the Guatemalan nation over almost two centuries (1824-1985), it
became apparent that the inclusion of the indigenous population within citizenship
rights was part of an intense debate. There were steps directed towards their
integration into the body of citizens and also steps to take them backwards in order to
guarantee their segregation or differential treatment. One of the fundamental
conclusions was that the state used secondary regulations to consolidate differentiated
treatment towards the indigenous people, as forced labour on farms, transport and
road construction. This was fundamental for the economic project of “modernisation”
between the late nineteenth and the whole of the twentieth century. This means that
although the different constitutions often opened up citizenship rights to a larger part
of the population with the passing of time, secondary legislation differentiated the
treatment of indigenous people and was the basis for their exclusion from citizenship
rights. Yet the gradual opening marked by the constitutions was quickly used by the
mestizo and mulatto population to take ownership of the citizenship rights they
guaranteed. This was possible because of their role in the military, their access to
education, their denunciations of land, but above all because of their proper use of the
Castilian language. This differentiating experience was particularly marked in the
region of Los Altos (current West of the Republic), where most coffee farmers and
militaries in power came from after 1871. At the same time, this was fuelled by
widespread racism on behalf of foreign coffee growers, mostly Germans but not
exclusively. Hence the conception of the country divided into Ladinos and indigenous
populations spread with the formation of the oligarchic state (1871-1944). Secondary
legislation that helped create this segregation with regards to citizenship included
municipal regulations (1824) and forced labour ones (1830, 1877, 1893, 1894 and
1934), amongst others14. As expressed in a statement from a political Club in the
13
Reformas de la Constitución de la República, 1885.
Arturo Taracena et al. Etnicidad, estado y nación en Guatemala, 1808-1944, Antigua Guatemala:
CIRMA, 2002 y Arturo Taracena, Invención criollas, sueño ladino, pesadilla indígena: Los Altos de
región a Estado, 1750-1871, Antigua Guatemala: CIRMA, 2000. Matilde Gonzalez-Izas, Territorio,
actores armados y formación del Estado, Guatemala: URL, 2014.
14
RSCAS/GLOBALCIT-CR 2020/4 - © 2020 Author
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