ADVISORY COMMISSION ON RAKHINE STATE given stringent donor compliance requirements, and available funding is often disbursed through small grant mechanisms, which organizations implement in a patchwork manner. The lack of training opportunities for CSO staff reduces their ability to develop issue-specific technical expertise, which in turn is vital for their advocacy efforts. Most CSOs have infrequent contact with the authorities, and often complain that meetings with the Government tend to take the form of a one-way lecture on issues that have already been decided upon. Some organizations also struggle to obtain registration from the Government, a process which remains cumbersome. Obstacles to participation and representation are particularly far-reaching for Muslims in Rakhine. In 2015, a decision by the Constitutional Tribunal disenfranchised Temporary Residency Card (TRC)-holders, effectively barring the vast majority of Muslims in the state from voting in the 2015 general elections. Moreover, as political parties must be founded, chaired and registered by citizens – and all members running for political office must be citizens17 – Muslims in Rakhine have been left entirely without political representation, both at Union and State level. As civil service posts are only open to citizens, Muslims in Rakhine cannot access positions within the state’s bureaucracy. Although some Muslims have recently been reinstated as Village Tract Administrators in areas populated exclusively by Muslims (albeit without salary) – the number of Muslim civil servants is negligible. In northern Rakhine State, those who cooperate with the Government also face challenges from within their own community. Over the recent months, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) is said to have assassinated a number of Muslim leaders, reportedly aiming to further reduce the level of cooperation between the Government and the Muslim community. There are no Muslim CSOs in Rakhine, and applications for registration have been rejected by the Government even when the applicant organization has been headed by Muslim citizens. In Muslim-dominated areas, security imperatives have allowed the Ministry of Home Affairs to set out curfew orders and other directives which have restricted freedom of assembly, association and movement, generally preventing all forms of civic engagement and collective action. The scope for meaningful public participation is even more limited in IDP camps, where daily affairs are managed by Camp Management Committees (CMCs), which typically are appointed directly by the General Administrative Department, and which are often perceived to be unrepresentative by the camp population. 17 Political Parties Registration Law, Union Election Commission, the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, 2010. FINAL REPORT 47