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Ellie Oppenheim et al.
refugees), prejudice (r = .629 for asylum seekers, r = .551 for refugees), and political orientation (r
= .147 for asylum seekers, r = .222 for refugees). For refugees and stateless people, no direct
association was found between prejudice and perceived threat; instead, this relationship was
mediated through other variables, most notably social policy attitudes. In contrast, prejudice
towards asylum seekers showed a direct association with perceived threat.
Further analysis of the Integrated Network model
Within the Integrated Network model, social policy attitudes towards stateless people
were associated directly with prejudice towards stateless people (r = .483) and social policy
attitudes towards asylum seekers (r = .367). All other variables were associated with social policy
attitudes towards stateless people through these two variables. Within this model, prejudice
towards stateless people was directly associated with prejudice towards asylum seekers (r = .283),
prejudice towards refugees (r = .235), social policy attitudes towards asylum seekers (r = .182), and
social policy attitudes towards stateless people (r = .483). All other variables were associated with
prejudice towards stateless people through these variables.
Discussion
This study explored UK public attitudes towards stateless people, operationalised as prejudice and
social policy attitudes towards this group. Variables associated with these attitudes were also
explored, and attitudes towards stateless people were compared to those towards asylum seekers
and refugees.
This study identified that social policy attitudes towards stateless people were significantly
more restrictive than those towards refugees, but significantly less restrictive than those towards
asylum seekers. In contrast, no significant difference was identified between prejudice levels
towards stateless people and refugees or stateless people and asylum seekers. This finding suggests
that the UK public views refugees as most legitimately deserving social policy support, and asylum
seekers as least legitimately deserving of policy support. Our findings suggest that social policy
attitudes may be more cognitively complex than prejudice, involving additional considerations
beyond basic intergroup bias, such as perceived ‘legitimacy’ of the group. Our interpretation aligns
with the findings of an Australian study, where participants reported feelings of anger towards
asylum seekers, and perceptions of them as ‘illegals’ and ‘queue jumpers’ (Hartley and Pedersen,
2015). This is consistent with other studies which suggest that the public are likely to express more
favourable attitudes towards ‘authorised’ migrants (such as legally recognised refugees) than those
viewed as ‘unauthorised’ migrants (Murray and Marx, 2013). Given our findings, it is possible that
stateless people were viewed as less ‘unauthorised’ than asylum seekers, but more ‘unauthorised’
than refugees, hence the different social policy attitudes, despite similar levels of prejudice towards
stateless people and both other groups.
When refugee and asylum seeker attitudes were incorporated into the Integrated Network
model, complex interrelationships emerged among prejudice and social policy attitudes across all
three groups, and the other study variables. Notably, associations between social policy attitudes
towards stateless people and other study variables were mediated through attitudes towards
asylum seekers, while prejudice towards stateless people was linked to the wider network through
prejudice towards asylum seekers and refugees. This pattern suggests that public attitudes towards
stateless people may, in part, be formed indirectly through their perceptions of refugees and
asylum seekers. One possible interpretation is that this is due to a lack of public awareness of
statelessness, meaning people need to draw on their impressions of refugees and asylum seekers to
form attitudes towards stateless people.
Our findings underscore the interconnected nature of attitudes towards asylum seekers,
refugees, and stateless people. This, combined with the similarities in prejudice levels and the
https://doi.org/10.1017/S147474642510119X Published online by Cambridge University Press