Exploring UK Public Attitudes Towards Stateless People 11 Hypothesis iv: perceived threat will be associated with more negative attitudes towards stateless people, as measured by restrictive social policy attitudes and greater prejudice towards stateless people. Zero order correlations showed a significant correlation between greater perceived threat and more restrictive social policy attitudes (rs(354) = .514, p<.001) and greater prejudice towards stateless people (rs(354) = .419, p<.001). In the Stateless Focal Network model, greater perceived threat was directly associated with more restrictive social policy attitudes towards stateless people (r = .378). Greater perceived threat was indirectly associated with greater prejudice towards stateless people through more restrictive social policy attitudes towards stateless people and to a lesser degree right-wing political orientation. In the Integrated Network model, perceived threat was indirectly associated with more restrictive social policy attitudes and greater prejudice towards stateless people. Hypothesis v: social policy attitudes towards asylum seekers and stateless people will be more restrictive than those towards refugees. A significant difference was found in social policy attitudes towards stateless people, asylum seekers and refugees (F(1.813, 643.670) = 26.552, p<.001, ηp2 = 0.070) (Greenhouse-Geisser corrected). Social policy attitudes towards asylum seekers (M = 3.341, SD = 1.683) were significantly more restrictive than those towards refugees (M = 2.995, SD = 1.547), t(355) = 8.694, p<.001. Social policy attitudes towards stateless people (M = 3.224, SD = 1.513) were also significantly more restrictive than those towards refugees, t(355) = 4.411, p<.001). A significant difference was found between social policy attitudes towards stateless people and asylum seekers, t(355) = 2.246, p=.025. Hypothesis vi: prejudice towards asylum seekers and stateless people will be greater than prejudice towards refugees. A significant difference was found in prejudice towards stateless people, asylum seekers and refugees (F(1.872, 664.574) = 8.215, p<.001, ηp2 = .023 (Greenhouse–Geisser corrected). Pairwise comparisons showed that prejudice towards asylum seekers (M = 3.287, SD = 1.611) was significantly higher than towards refugees (M = 3.073, SD = 1.461), t(355) = 4.691, p<.001). No significant difference was found between prejudice towards stateless people (M = 3.169, SD = 1.406) and asylum seekers, t(355) = 2.064, p=.080), or between stateless people and refugees, t(355) = 1.740, p=.083). Further analysis of the focal network models Following analysis relating to the hypotheses set out above, further exploration of the data was conducted. In the Stateless Focal Network model, greater prejudice towards stateless people was directly associated with more right-wing political orientation (r = .053), more restrictive social policy attitudes towards stateless people (r = .620), lack of personal migration experience (r = .134), gender (r = .023), ethnicity (r = .057), and employment (r = .047). All other variables in the network were indirectly associated through these variables. Social policy attitude towards stateless people was directly associated with fewer variables, and direct associations were only found with political orientation (r = .230), prejudice (r = .620), and perceived threat (r = .378). All other variables in the network were indirectly associated to social policy attitudes towards stateless people through these variables. Being of older age and being more educated was associated with more right-wing political orientation. Focal network models for refugees and asylum seekers revealed significant direct associations between social policy attitudes and perceived threat (r = .344 for asylum seekers, r = .553 for https://doi.org/10.1017/S147474642510119X Published online by Cambridge University Press