Noncitizenism 13 longer history in the construction of, and legitimisation of, colonialism and enslavement – and the impacts of this upon how the world is today, and how liberalism functions within it. The intention is to use this particularly to respond to the difficulties raised by theorists of global justice and of migrant rights. Second, the arguments in this book do not deny the vast inequalities within the relationship of citizenship, and amongst citizenships.11 Some citizens of States ostensibly built upon liberal democratic principles may be unable to make full use of their citizenships, because of discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, gender, social class, sexuality, physical ability, age, former migration, place of residence, and economic status, for example. Formal citizens may also suffer noncitizen-vulnerability as a result.12 Citizenship and noncitizenship are not mutually exclusive. Some have argued for a recognition of solidarity across citizenship and hyphenated non-citizenship according to one or another of these dimensions of discrimination.13 A robust understanding of noncitizenship can help to explain how this might work. That is, noncitizenship can occur for multiple reasons and in multiple dimensions. Whether this happens overtly or implicitly, and whether because of race, class, gender, ability, or some other factor, or an intersection of factors, this can be interrogated through the lens of noncitizenship. The focus in this book is primarily and overwhelmingly on the special nature of the State-noncitizen relationship, and these other elements insofar as they relate to the individual-State relationship. Third, this book is not an argument, an excuse, or a reason to deprive or to deny access to formal citizenship for anyone. In fact, I advocate significantly easier access to recognised formal citizenship in many cases, and support aspects of the jus nexi of Ayelet Shachar, the constitutional patriotism of Katherine Tonkiss, the jus domicile of Dora Kostakopoulou, and the stakeholdership of Rainer Bauböck.14 The noncitizen relationship presented in this book does not offer an alternative to citizenship, or a reason to see those who should be so-recognised as less than full citizens (as I show in more detail below, I reject the notion of denizenship and the idea of binarity between citizenship and 11 For example, Stephen Castles (2005) ‘Hierarchical Citizenship in a World of Nation-States’, pp. 689–692 in Political Sciences and Politics. See also the Global Passport Power Rank www. passportindex.org/byRank.php. Note the correlation of this, for example, with the HDI. 12 For example, see analysis in Chris Hayes (2017) A Colony in a Nation, Norton. 13 For example, see Shanthi Robertson (2015) ‘Contractualization, depoliticization and the limits of solidarity: noncitizens in contemporary Australia’, pp. 936–950 in Citizenship Studies 19(8) ADD. 14 Ayelet Shachar (2009) The Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequality, Harvard University Press; Ayelet Shachar and Ran Hirshl (2007) ‘Citizenship as an Inherited Property’, pp. 253–287 in Political Theory 35(3); Katherine Tonkiss (2013) Migration and Identity in a Post-National World, Palgrave Macmillan; Dora Kostakopoulou (2008) The Future Governance of Citizenship, Cambridge University Press; Rainer Bauböck (2008) ‘Stakeholder Citizenship: An Idea Whose Time Has Come?’, Transatlantic Council on Migration Paper, Migration Policy Institute, Washington DC. See also Ruth Lister’s examination of evolving understandings of the inclusivity of citizenship: Ruth Lister (2007) ‘Inclusive Citizenship: realising the potential’, pp. 49–61 in Citizenship Studies 11(1).