Unwanted and ambivalent citizenship 97 Consider, for example, Tseng Yen-Fen’s analysis of Taiwanese business migrants (or, as he puts it, ‘migrants in postmodern terms’).62 These are nomads of the second form. Yen-Fen describes the individuals he studies as working in contracting manufacturing, facilitating businesses that wish to source manufac turing sites abroad. The migration pattern found amongst individuals in this group are, then, heavily driven by changing contexts in international markets and economic climates. Yen-Fen finds that the migrants he studies fall into two cat egories in terms of how they understand their relationships with States. First, there are those who regard themselves as having ‘flexible citizenship’.63 These individuals are at the top of the business hierarchy, able to pick and choose amongst States for the place where they are best able to do business.64 Yen-Fen describes citizenships and individual-State relationships for them as comfortably pragmatic. Second, there are the small-scale business-owners, who are tied to narrow profit margins. These individuals’ decisions about movement are based upon capitalist forces.65 Yen-Fen presents them as migrating repeatedly in order to find cheaper and more controllable labour, for example. They are relating with multiple States, each in different ways. And there is likely a mixture of citizen ship and noncitizenship, affected also by their location in the professional hier archy, as well as the implications of this in terms of class. Yen-Fen observes that these nomadic business migrants are highly skilled and highly mobile. They also experience discrimination as a result of their mobility. The research finds that they experience racism and distrust (based on their nomadism) in places where they live, alongside an increasing estrangement in Taiwan, the State they started from and of which they have formal citizenship. This complex experience of nomadism and the different experiences depending upon location in the hierarchy is also found in other studies. For example, Megha Amrith describes Filipino ‘semiprofessionals’ who move, and may move repeat edly, to work in the medical professions and distinguishes them from both domestic workers on the one hand and elites who deploy strategies of ‘flexible citizenship’ on the other hand.66 She finds that different categories of workers (medical, care, household) have different experiences of movement. The discussion of nomads can often focus on low-skilled agricultural and factory workers or on the members of traditionally nomadic communities. And these are important to consider. However, as the Taiwanese business people and 62 Tseng Yen-Fen (2005) ‘Permanently Temporary: Taiwanese Business “Nomads” as Reluctant Migrants’, pp 179–193 In Beatriz Lorente, Nicola Piper, Shen Hsiu-Hua and Brenda Yeoh (eds) (2005) Asian Migrations: Sojourning, Displacement, Homecoming and Other Travels, National University of Singapore Press. Reference for parentheses: Yen-Fen ibid. p. 189. 63 This derives from Aihwa Ong’s classic book of this title – Aihwa Ong (1999) Flexible Citizen ship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality, Duke University Press. 64 Yen-Fen 2005 ibid. pp. 183–184. 65 Yen-Fen 2005 ibid. p. 184. 66 Megha Amrith ‘ “They Think We Are Just Caregivers”: The Ambivalence of Care in the Lives of Filipino Medical Workers in Singapore’, pp. 410–427 in The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthro­ pology 11(3–4) p. 411. See also Megha Amrith (2017) Caring for Strangers, NIA Press.