Unwanted and ambivalent citizenship 95 providing a political lobby within France.56 And French discourse also changed, so that this period was followed directly by successful efforts by the French right to restrict access to French citizenship and to French voting rights for individuals from North Africa. Plural citizenship was, then, shown not to be a problem in itself or a good in itself, but to be dependent upon the political reality of the time, including the relationships between the States involved. The ways in which individuals were understood as formal or informal citizens, as noncitizens or non-citizens, affected and were affected by the ways in which the States involved related to each other. The situation of military service was somewhat resolved in France with the agreement, signed on 11 October 1983, that a dual citizen could choose in which country to perform his (for at the time it related to men, not women) military service.57 These individuals were being asked to sacrifice their lives and to kill on behalf of the State. This, of any situation, prima facie seems least to admit nuanced relationships. But also perhaps, for this reason, nuance of explanation is most needed. People take sides militarily not only for reasons of sole formal citizenship, but also because of conviction. Consider those like George Orwell who fought in the Spanish Civil War on the basis of principle, despite having little connection with Spain previously, and conversely, the US citizens who refused to fight in the Viet Nam War also for reasons of principle;58 and the young Israelis today who stand against military service and so are imprisoned as a result.59 These examples help to show the complexity in the ways in which we relate to States, even in moments of symbolic participation (as in voting) and ultimate sacrifice (as in military service). In these cases, fighting (or refusing to fight) was often ideological rather than based only on singular citizenship. In this context, it is particularly interesting to consider the position played by US army veterans of a range of backgrounds who have been supporting indigenous protesters against the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL).60 The DAPL is a project to lay a pipe carrying crude oil diagonally across a large part of the US from northwest to southeast. The most publicised protest has arisen in the area where the pipe would both run through land about which the Standing Rock Sioux must legally be consulted because of the place’s cultural and religious importance, and under water which feeds the sole supply of the Sioux drinking water. What is interesting in the case of the veterans engaging in the 56 Weil 2008 ibid. p. 156. 57 Weil 2008 ibid. p. 156; Vonk 2012 ibid. p. 199; Christophe Bertossi (2007) ‘Ethnicity, Islam, and Allegiances in the French Military’, in Christophe Bertossi (ed.) (2007) European AntiDiscrimination and the Politics of Citizenship: Britain and France, Springer p. 207. 58 See George Orwell (1989) Homage to Catalonia, Penguin Books; Michael S. Foley (2003) Con fronting the War Machine: Draft Resistance During the Vietnam War, University of North Caro lina Press. 59 For example, see essays in Perez Kidron (ed.) (2004) Refusenik! Israel’s Soldiers of Conscience, Zed Books. 60 For example, A Sammon (2016) ‘A History of Native Americans Protesting the Dakota Access Pipeline’, Mother Jones 9 September 2016.