g 432 ‘UNCTAD Assistance to the Palestinian People: Developments in the Economy of the Occupied Palestinian Territory’ United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (11-22 September 2017) UN Doc TD/B/64/4 <https:// unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/tdb64d4_embargoed_en.pdf> accessed 3 October 2022. 433 BADIL, Denial of Reparations (n 45), 28-32; Macro Centre for Political Economics, ‘The Working Conditions of Palestinian Wage Earners in Israel’ (February 2017), 6 <http://www.macro.org.il/images/upload/ items/27348794024004.pdf> accessed 3 October 2022. 434 Committee on the Rights of the Child, ‘Concluding Observations on the Second to Fourth Periodic Reports of Israel’ (adopted 4 July 2013) CRC/C/ISR/CO/2-4, para 65 <https://bit.ly/2KvvwHs> accessed 3 October 2022. 435 Michael Fischbach, Records of Dispossession, Palestinian Refugee Property and the Arab-Israeli (Columbia University Press 2003), 48. 436 For a more comprehensive list of these laws, see BADIL, Denial of Reparations (n 45). 97 4 g Right to Work: In the oPt, Israel works on undermining traditional Palestinian industries by controlling the physical space and obstructing industry operations. The regime virtually determines which industries survive and the type of works that Palestinians are able to pursue. This has a two-fold impact whereby the Palestinian working class is coerced into insecure and unstable employment, often in the Israeli labor market, while Israel simultaneously gives ‘special treatment’ to businesses that benefit the Israeli market, ultimately driving up income inequality. Palestinians working in the Israeli labor market are paid 39-44 percent of the pay received by an Israeli-Jewish worker performing a similar job,432 without adequate health and safety provisions.433 Palestinian IDPs living in east Jerusalem are especially restricted in exercising their right to work as they must prove that Jerusalem is their “center of life” to maintain their “permanent residency status.” Proving that Jerusalem is their “center of life” is incredibly difficult, costly, and can be arbitrarily disproven at any point by the Israel for simple actions such as finding employment or pursuing education abroad or even within 1948 Palestine. This leaves Palestinian IDPs with Jerusalem residency especially deprived of sustainable and adequate work opportunities. Right to Education: The Israeli colonial strategy in the realm of education revolves around the expunction of the Palestinian cultural identity from curricula and teaching programs, primarily through suppressing “significant information on Palestinian history, heritage, flag and cities from school textbooks [...]” in Palestinian schools in 1948 Palestine,434 and coercing the international donor community to pressure the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA to de-nationalize the Palestinian curriculum used in the occupied territory and in UNRWA schools. Right to Property Ownership: The Absentee Property Law of 1950 defined ‘absentee’ broadly enough so that it applied to every Palestinian who had left their usual place of residence in Palestine after November 1947. Once the properties were acquired by the Custodianship Council for Absentee’s Property, which was, in theory, not allowed to sell the property, Israel utilized and privatized the land (and the buildings that were on it)435 through a roll-out of additional laws in partnership with government and non-government agencies.436 While these laws continue to deny Palestinian refugees and IDPs access to their properties, Israel additionally applies highly discriminatory building permit systems, consistently denying Palestinians the right to build property and significantly modifying applicable planning laws. Israel also routinely carries out demolitions of homes, schools, animal shelters, and more, Chapter g