Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness.120 Others had to wait for the 1980 amendment to the Citizenship Law, which extended citizenship to Palestinians who had been registered as citizens by July 1952 or who had entered legally afterward.121 Today, hundreds of bedouin in the Naqab remain stateless and their citizenship status is yet to be resolved.122 For ’48 Palestinians, Israeli citizenship functioned—and continues to function—as a means of sumud. This protection, however, is not total. New evidence reveals that although Palestinians attained citizenship, Israel nonetheless pursued plans for mass expulsion in its first decade. As the Israeli historian Adam Raz has recently shown, the Kafr Qasim massacre, in which the army executed 51 Palestinians, was part of a larger secret plan called Hafarperet for the expulsion of the Palestinian population from the Little Triangle.123 In addition, in the early 1950s, Israel attempted to advance a plan for the expulsion of ten thousand Palestinians from seven villages in the Galilee,124 as well as other plans for the resettlement of Palestinians in Argentina and Brazil.125 Today Israel has yet to make peace with the existence of its Palestinian citizens. It still desires to see Palestinians vanish and makes efforts to reduce the number of Palestinian citizens. Nearly half of the Israeli Jewish population supports the expulsion or transfer of Palestinians126 and the advancement of what has come to be known as “population exchange”—the planned transfer of Little Triangle villages and their estimated three hundred thousand residents to the Palestinian state as part of a peace deal.127 Additionally, in recent years Israel has been revoking the citizenship of hundreds of bedouin in the Naqab,128 in an apparent test case for a wider project of denaturalization of Palestinian citizens. These measures are the direct consequence of the construction of Palestinian citizens as aliens and guests in their homeland. Conclusion Through tracing the making of Israel’s racialized citizenship regime, this article has illuminated the function of citizenship as an institution of domination and an instrument of race making. Citizenship cannot be disassociated from the history and contemporary workings of settler colonialism as a structure of elimination. As the lived realities of indigenous peoples make clear, the acquisition of citizenship has not eradicated the violence of settler colonialism 32 Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3533490