Colonial Legacies in Syrian Nationality Law out ‘a dictatorial policy’ in Syria, 43 and James Barr describes French rule in the Levant as ‘arbitrary, confessional, exploitative and corrupt’. 44 The colonial administration enacted sectarian policies to reinforce its domination and power. France applied the ‘divide-and-rule’ policy in all its colonies, 45 including Syria, and broke down national unity by conducting a policy of sectarian division, 46 ethnic segregation 47 and regional separatism 48 in order to maintain its influence. 49 Notably, it did so by creating the State of Lebanon in 1920 and by fragmenting Syrian territories into religious and ethnic communities. 50 This politics was part of a colonial effort to racialise religious and ethnic communities. 51 For instance, the Alawite and the Druze ethnic minorities were administrated separately from the rest of the Syrian people. 52 These politics of division had a damaging impact on the Levant and left long-lasting marks that can still be felt to this day. 53 The outbreak of the 15-year civil war in Lebanon, and the rise of sectarianism in Syria is partially attributed to the strategy of division enacted by the French during the occupation. 54 Overall, this political of division enacted by both France and Britain in the Middle East has created a mismatch between identity and nationality. Inevitably, this brutal colonial rule engendered resistance from the Syrian people. Peaceful anti-colonial protests took place at the beginning of the occupation, to which France responded with massive executions, forced exile and military operations. 55 In the summer of 1925, an armed revolt broke down in the Druze Mountains of Syria, and later spread to the rest of the region. 56 This uprising was described as ‘the largest [and] longest’ uprising that the Arab Middle East had ever seen before. 57 France violently repressed this revolt by bombing Damascus for 24 hours, killing thousands of civilians and leaving the ancient city in ruins. 58 The Syrian people finally managed to achieve independence after the end of World War II. The last French soldier in Syria was expelled on 17 April 1946: this is annually commemorated by Syrians as their ‘Independence Day’. 59 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 Philip S Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920– 1945 (Princeton University Press 2014) 5. Barr (n 21) 2. Richard Morrock, ‘Heritage of Strife: The Effects of Colonialist “Divide and Rule” Strategy upon the Colonized Peoples’ (1973) 37(2) Science and Society 129; ‘Divide and Rule’ in Nic Cheeseman, Eloïse Bertrand, and Sa’eed Husaini (eds), A Dictionary of African Politics (Oxford University Press 2019). Ussama Makdisi, Age of Coexistence: The Ecumenical Frame and the Making of the Modern Arab World (University of California Press 2019) 3–4. Al-Rayyis (n 42) 112–31. Neep (n 11) 31. Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate (n 43) 11. Phillip S Khoury, ‘Syrian Urban Politics in Transition: The Quarters of Damascus During the French Mandate’ (1994) 16(4) International Journal of Middle East Studies 507, 508. Michael Fakhri, ‘Introduction: Questioning TWAIL's Agenda’ (2012) 14(1) Oregon Review of International Law 1. Fildis (n 20). Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate (n 43) 58. Christian Velud, ‘Le mandat Français’ in Anne Marie Bianquis (ed), Damas: miroir brisé d'un Orient arabe (Autrement 1993) 87. ibid 196. ibid 199. Michael Provence, The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism (University of Texas Press 2005) 12. ibid. Mouhmad Al-Hassan, ‘The French Mandate in Syria’ (DPhil thesis, University of Damascus 1986) 32. 13