202 C. Joppke ‘Europe’. Peter Spiro nicely describes the novelty of the day that a Londoner opposing Brexit will feel closer to a New Yorker opposing Trump than to their notional fellow-citizens in the province voting for Brexit or Trump.7 Or as David Goodhart commented on Brexit opponents’ sense of waking up ‘in a different country’ on the morning of June 24, 2016, this is exactly how Brexit proponents had felt before the fateful referendum.8 Both camps quite literally inhabit different spaces, from the mental to the physical, and are tied up in incompatible loyalty structures. ‘Citizenship’ has become an obsolete clip to tie them together. The cohesion and bottom-up support that the European project needs to survive, and to move on, is unlikely to stem from cosmetic corrections to a citizenship that cannot but be partisan in the openness v. closure rift. More urgent would be to end the intolerable situation that not just populist movements but entire member states have decisively thrown themselves on the ‘closure’ end of the spectrum, opposing Europe from within it, by building ‘illiberal democracies’ that openly repudiate the common values upon which the EU also legally rests. Finally, if I understood Ferrera correctly, he defends his proposal as one that would sharpen the distinction between privileged EU citizens and less privileged third-state nationals, or ‘immigrants’ proper, because only EU citizens but not settled immigrants are meant to benefit from the proposed social policy measures. This strikes me as retrograde (and against the territorial logic of providing welfare). The thinning distinction between citizens and legal permanent residents is a side-effect of a larger liberalisation of citizenship in Western states and of the ‘civilising’ of nationhood that undergirds the latter. This is a hard-won achievement, not a liability. For the opposite tribal model of a citizen elite tightly sealed from second-class immigrants, consult the Gulf States. It would be ironic if the European Union, which has been created to tame nationalist exclusiveness, were now to mimic it. These somewhat grand-scheming objections, some perhaps more plausible than others, are raised for the sake of debate; they are not meant to diminish Ferrera’s powerful and deeply knowledgeable proposal. We share the same vision of strengthening the European citizenship. At heart, however, I would guard against the notion that citizenship should be duty-full. Liberal citizenship is duty-free, in a legal (not moral!) sense, and EU citizenship is even more so. A citizenship that imposed hard legal duties was the 7 8 Spiro, P.J. (2017), Citizenship After Trump Center for Migration Studies, available at http://cmsny.org/publications/spiro-citizenship-after-trump/. Goodhart, D. (2017), The Road to Somewhere. London: Hurst.