142 J. Sardelić EU migrants have certain economic resources, but even more importantly ‘social ties at work’6 and networks that make their mobilities possible. This is something immobile Romani EU citizens lack. Considering the position of EU Romani migrants, we can see that in practice EU free movement does not necessarily address injustices produced by nation states. In fact, it can also result in new injustice that is not present on the nation-state level, as De Witte argued. The French L’affaire des Roms showed what measures the French authorities have taken to deport ‘unwanted’ EU Romani migrants. Among these was the collective demolition of their settlements. We read too little into the potential of EU freedom of movement if we only think of it as a source of ‘recalibration of justice’. The official stance of EU freedom of movement is still to a certain extent connected to the economy, but Romani migrants can be deported in case they are also labelled as being a threat to public security and order. Here both opponents and proponents of freedom of movement are reading too little into the matter, if they think this is only a question of economy and if they downplay the sentiments based on xenophobia towards Roma. Although many Romani migrants are labelled as economically inactive, they are only inactive on the official labour market. According to the 2015 Eurobarometer on Discrimination7 the stigmatization of Roma is so strong in virtually all EU Member States that most of them are not able to get work in the official economy and therefore find employment in unrecognized alternative economic niches. Some studies have shown that many EU Romani migrants end up as irregular workers without employment contracts or even in forced labour8 as victims of human trafficking. While they are able to migrate because of the EU Directive on Freedom of Movement, they do not benefit from the EU Framework Directive (1989/391/EEC) on safety and health at work and face additional layers of inequality. Despite the many objections listed above, I still concur with those who claim that EU free movement should be defended on a normative as well as practical level. But it is only so much that EU freedom of movement can deliver. We cannot expect that as a standalone policy it would ‘recalibrate 6 7 8 Pantea, M. (2012), ‘Social Ties At Work: Roma Migrants And The Community Dynamics’, Ethnic and Racial Studies 36 (11): 1726-1744. Available at http://ec.europa.eu/justice/fundamental-rights/files/factsheet_eurobarometer_fundamental_rights_2015.pdf. Dwyer, P., H. Lewis, L. Scullion & L. Waite (2011), ‘Forced labour and UK immigration policy: status matters?’, JRF programme paper: Forced labour, avaialable at https://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/sites/antitrafficking/files/ forced_labour_and_uk_immigration_policy._status_matters_1.pdf.