As the march approached the national television station in Cocody, they were met by scores of police and gendarmes, supported by FPI youths armed with machetes and clubs. The ensuing clashes resulted in at least five deaths and scores of wounded. A RDR leader who was present both at the stadium and on its way to the TV station, recounted what happened:78 First we went to the stadium. We waited until around noon for the RDR leadership to show up. Finally, [RDR secretary-general] Madame Diabaty arrived but the sound system for the meeting didn’t work so there was no way to communicate with the masses. Eventually the militants got a bit agitated. Madame Diabaty asked us to go back home, the militants said no, that we’re ready to die for our cause. Madame couldn’t control us, we were fed up and wanted to move; we wanted to protest the arbitrary rejection of our candidate. Scores of fleeing RDR protesters sought refuge within an empty technical institute, the Ecole Normale Supérieure (ENS), but were then forced out by gunfire and teargas. At least four protesters died within the ENS: two were electrocuted while trying to hide, and two were shot when security forces opened fire on the institute. The clashes around the national television station on December 4, 2000, were notable for two patterns of abuse that differed from the October wave of political violence. The first was the overt collaboration between security forces and FPI supporters, and the second was sexual abuse against women. Security Force Collaboration with the FPI By December a relationship appeared to have been consolidated between police and gendarmes and FPI youth groups, pro-FPI student groups such as the Côte d’Ivoire Student Federation (Fédération Éstudiantine et Scolaire de Côte d’Ivoire FESCI), and neighborhood defense units from ethnic groups identified with the FPI. Numerous witnesses described collaboration, or coordination, between these government forces and FPI supporters on December 4, 2000, when they worked together to round up RDR demonstrators, patrol through neighborhoods, or man roadblocks. In other cases, the security forces stood by while FPI supporters committed serious violations such as rape and murder. These state forces ceased to work for the protection of the general population while becoming partisan supporters of the ruling party. This collaboration was very clear in the afternoon clashes around the national television station. As hundreds of RDR supporters approached the national television station, units of police and gendarmes worked hand in hand with FPI supporters to “defend” the installation and break up the march. An RDR activist described the operation:79 After leaving the stadium, hundreds of us decided to go towards RTI—peacefully. As we were getting close to the RTI, some FPI militia who we thought were our people blocked the junction, and then the gendarmes blocked the other way and we were encircled. This happened at around 2:30 or 3:00 p.m. We had about ten or so armed Dozo traditional hunters in front of us; they’d originally come to protect our RDR leaders. Then a truck full of gendarmes started firing tear gas at us…and at that moment other FPI and FESCI [university student] youths who’d been hiding in the bushes and behind buildings emerged. Some of them had bricks, wood, and wore red bandanas. At this point they weren’t mixed with the police or gendarmes. I saw them clearly and could even be able to recognize some of them. Then the FESCI youth who’d been hiding in the nearby student housing at ‘Cité Rouge’ started chasing and capturing RDR demonstrators as they tried to flee. They beat them and handed some over to the police. 78 79 Human Rights Watch interview, Abidjan, February 6, 2001. Human Rights Watch, Abidjan, February 6, 2001. Human Rights Watch 41 August 2001, Vol. 13, No. 6(A)