66 chapter two perception, such pronouncements are not limited to the extreme rightwing elements of Israeli society but are deeply entrenched in the mainstream consciousness.41 From the period of the Al-Aqsa Intifada there has been a marked intensification of state-led attempts to delegitimize its Arab citizenry. Here, the campaign of delegitimization of Palestinian-Arab political representatives and, more recently, of Arab civil society organizations in Israel has been particularly fierce. Since the Nakba, Palestinians have become a strategic obstacle to the goals of the Zionist movement and its ongoing Judaization project, thus rendering it impossible for this population to form a genuine and active part of Israeli society. As a result, the Palestinians in Israel find themselves on the double periphery of both Palestinian and Israeli political institutions and their respective (and intertwined) national movements. Yet, despite their marginality, this community is playing an increasingly important political role in the development of the ZionistPalestinian conflict. They continue to point to the social and political transformations within Palestinian society in Israel since the forceful dispersion of their national group, and expose the inherent racial discrimination and contradictions in Israeli practices and policies. Overall, consecutive Israeli governments have adopted one main strategy for the suppression of Arab political participation, expression and association: relocating political initiatives by Arab citizens to the realm of prohibited action. The criminalization of Arab political action and expression concerning the topics of national identity, belonging, rights and membership was done by Israel during the period of the first and second Intifadas, and reappears on commemorations held on Nakba Day (May 15) and Land Day (March 30), as well as at political gatherings and activities held opposing the demolition of homes, discriminatory legislation, and military attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and the neighbouring Arab states. As shown below, the suppression of political activity is particularly heightened in times of military conflict and political and national turmoil when the perspectives of much of the Arab citizenry run counter to the hegemonic Zionist discourse of security, self-defence and Jewish domination. And here common tactics such as the use of arrests, detention, interrogation and surveillance are employed by the Israeli security apparatus to silence dissent. 41 For detailed accounts of racist and discriminatory remarks against Arabs in Israel see Sultany (2004, 60–61) and (2005, 77–89, 137–139, 143–163), along with Mada al-Carmel’s online quarterly Political Monitoring Reports.