152 chapter five development” – as opposed to the “normal development” – of Arab political and social activity (Ghanem 2001, 9, 175). The political evolution of Arabs in Israel is divided into four ideological and political streams: an Israeli-Arab stream promoting Arab integration in an Israeli political environment dominated by Jews; a communist stream encouraging a secular bi-national state formation with an Israeli-Palestinian or PalestinianIsraeli identity; a national stream that emphasizes the Arab and Palestinian identities of the community but does not reject Arab-Jewish cooperation; and an Islamic stream that promotes the political organization of Arabs in Israel on an Islamic religious basis (Ghanem 2001, 37–38).3 Ghanem thoroughly examines the historical evolution, along with the values, aims and models of organizing adopted by each of these major streams of political activity, and points to their stunted development given the “iron wall erected by the Jewish-Zionist character of Israel” (Ghanem 2001, 157). Limitations to Arab political development stems from the reality that they “cannot be Israelis in the full sense of the word as defined as a stream,” leaving them only as “partial Israelis” (Ghanem 2001, 176). As such, Arabs are faced with a dilemma and an uncertainty causing them “a sense of distress that goes beyond the level of emotions and belonging” (Ghanem 2001, 158). Ghanem contends: The Arabs’ quandary is not a contradiction between two full identities, the Israeli and the Palestinian, but the incompleteness, in different ways, of each of these identities. This constitutes the most important evidence that the model of normal development … is fundamentally flawed with regard to the Arabs in Israel. …. The Arabs will continue to suffer distress and crisis as long as there is no change in the ethnic system [of the State of Israel] (Ghanem 2001, 176, 182). Again, it is not that the Israeli and Palestinian identities are necessarily contradictory, or that one has to be premised on the rejection of the other. But the dilemma here is that they are both incomplete and deficient in different ways, thereby preventing either from fully solidifying as a meaningful and accessible identity. Juxtaposing a bi-national alternative – similar to Rouhana’s – to the existing ethnically exclusive national identity in Israel, Ghanem promotes the idea of an accessible and meaningful Israeli nationality. Based on the equal arrangement of Arab and Jewish ethnic collectivities, along with equality for all citizens through their membership in the state, the bi-national model is, for Ghanem, the only channel 3 Each of these political streams is explained in-depth in Ghanem (2001, Chs. 3–6).