144 chapter four to and exercise of the right of migration to Israel is racially configured, prejudicial, and worthy of condemnation. In the end, the liberal-Zionist authors posit a numbingly circular argument; and one that deserves careful attention and deconstruction. We need a Jewish majority so as to have a Jewish state. But at the same time, we need a Jewish state because the Jewish majority wants this and “[t]hose who reject the Jewish state do a disservice to democratic principles by failing to respect the democratically expressed will of the majority of Israel’s citizens.” (Yakobson and Rubinstein 2009, 25, emphasis added) Taken together, the Jewish state begets practices of demographic engineering to ensure a Jewish majority, and simultaneously, the Jewish majority is then made a prerequisite for the consummation of the Jewish state. One brings about the other, and any proposal for a re-conception of Jewish statehood in a manner that is reconcilable with Palestinian access and return to their homeland is rendered a denunciation of both. Such a liberal-Zionist mandate for population management shies away from the obvious question: What happens if the non-Jewish population grows within Israel? What tools and mechanisms, compatible with principles of human rights and dignity, are available to the Zionist state in its efforts to maintain Jewish demographic supremacy? If the population of an unwanted or undesired ethno-national group is increasing, particularly if this legally translates into a security concern and an existential threat to the state as it does in Zionist discourse, a state has a number of possible options for action. It can prevent the growth and repress, displace, expel, refuse to recognize, deprive basic services, and/or transfer the population elsewhere. Obvi­ ously, none of these are compatible with liberal notions of human rights and dignity. Nevertheless, they are a daily reality for the Arabs in Israel through chauvinistic state-led practices of transfer, home demolitions, unrecognized villages, systematic socio-economic depravity, forced exile and more. Indeed, the legislation and practices mentioned in Chapter Two supporting these racist and exclusionary mechanisms show that active practices of demographic engineering are antithetical to principles of democratic citizenship, equality and human dignity. Liberal Rubber Stamp for Israeli Crimes Throughout the text, the rationalizations promoted by Yakobson and Rubinstein seeks to affirm the chimera of Israeli liberalism. To this end, word choice is a key tool for diluting and blurring the Zionist record