The Grimshaw Review of International Affairs Vol. 2, No. 1
Selectorate theory thus complements postcolonial critiques by revealing not only why ethnic
exclusion persists, but how it is institutionally sustained through rational calculations made
by elites, which are ultimately aimed at survival, centralisation, and the avoidance of internal
threats (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003, p. 23). Yet postcolonial analysis remains
indispensable in comprehending the deeper historical and global power structures that
underpin such exclusion. Indeed, the Rohingya crisis is not only a consequence of domestic
authoritarian logics, but also of international systems of power that have long prioritised
geopolitical interests over justice for marginalised communities. The entanglement of
humanitarianism with colonialism conveys the need to rethink aid systems that, far from
resolving crises, can perpetuate them (Aloudat and Khan, 2022, p. 1). Moving beyond
Eurocentric paradigms, a decolonial approach advocates for dismantling entrenched
hierarchies and amplifying subaltern voices, transitioning humanitarian efforts from “willing
complicity to active solidarity” (Aloudat and Khan, 2022, p. 3). In this light, selectorate
theory provides a critical lens for understanding how exclusion operates, but postcolonial
critique is essential for understanding why it endures, and how it might ultimately be undone.
Only then, when the colonial roots of modern power structures are addressed, can
international aid responses evolve into mechanisms for justice and meaningful systemic
change.
6. The Shortcomings of Humanitarian Aid
Humanitarian access in Myanmar is profoundly constrained by a militarised state apparatus,
systemic mistrust and restrictive operating conditions for local NGOs. For civil actors, this
means having to confront a complex and often perilous regulatory landscape where
permission to operate is conditional, informal, and liable to be revoked at any time. And even
with authoritarian tendencies from high-level authorities, local officials frequently obstruct
field activities due to fear or suspicion, necessitating relationship-building across multiple
layers of governance (Desaine, 2011, p. 63). Unregistered organisations in Myanmar face
constant risks of arbitrary shutdowns or surveillance, while limited access to national
decision-makers – especially within the military – combined with the Army’s Bamar-centric
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