house-to-house checks, and as a result become ‘illegal immigrants’. Since the 1990s being struck off or being unable to register on the family list has become a major driver of forced migration. All new-born Rohingya children must be added to the family lists, otherwise they become ‘blacklisted’, meaning that they have no right to live in Rakhine or access services. This also opens them up to arrest and persecution as they get older. Since the coup, many Rohingya in Rakhine State have been facing increased challenges in registering their newborn children on the family lists with the immigration office. Many are concerned that their children will be blacklisted or be unable to prove their right to live in Myanmar. In some villages, particularly mixed Rakhine/ Rohingya villages, ULA-AA has gained control and does not allow SAC authorities access to check the population data or conduct registration. Rohingya living in those areas are increasingly worried that they will be permanently removed from the population records. This would effectively cancel their residency and undermine any future citizenship claims and may become a major driver of forced migration. 2.2. The ULA-AA Parallel State: Double Trouble? “ Both men and women face the same situation and worry that either junta troops or AA members will arrest them. They can be accused of things like being a military informer, being affiliated with AA or ARSA. After the coup the SAC police started arresting women if their husbands could not be located. In Buthidaung, police arrested women as they could not locate their husbands. ” ROHINGYA YOUTH, SITTWE Whilst SAC troops have been occupied with armed resistance from multiple fronts across Myanmar, ULAAA has quietly made substantial gains in consolidating their control over the judicial, administrative and taxation system and are effectively functioning in many areas as a parallel state with full control over many rural areas and partial control in urban areas.30 They have established a justice system separate from the one overseen by SAC. Courts have been set up from the village-tract level up to district level, prosecuting people in accordance with laws drafted by the ULA-AA. Since the coup, communities in Rakhine have widely turned to the ULA-AA judicial system for a variety of issues from land disputes to rape cases.31 Whilst an alternative to excessive delays, corruption and discrimination in the SAC judicial system is well-needed, some Rohingya expressed concern that ULA-AA’s rules and administrative procedures are not transparent and the punishments are unclear. As a Rohingya woman from Sittwe Township said: If someone has complained to ULA-AA, their authorities come to our town, and they take those considered guilty to unknown locations. The family does not know where they are taken and sometimes ULA-AA punishes those ‘offenders’ – for example by beating them. The ULA-AA have also established parallel local administration structures. ULA-AA, like SAC, appoint Rohingya village tract administrators and committees in Rohingya villages. Their duties include maintaining records of who has paid ULA-AA taxes and updating records on house repairs, renovation, land sales or changes of land use. Villagers must apply for permission for such things to the ULA-AA authorities in areas under their control. In some areas, Rohingyas reportedly must apply to both authorities - ULA-AA and SAC - creating a double layer of bureaucracy to navigate. Every household is expected to pay tax or ‘contributions’ either in money or rice. This is often in addition to taxes they pay to SAC, creating a financial crisis within many households. Villagers are sometimes caught in the middle, warned on the one side by SAC military not to cooperate in paying taxes to the ULA-AA, and feeling coerced into paying from the ULA-AA side.32 As one Rohingya woman said, We do not need any other government actors as we are already living under the pressure of the Rakhine State Administrative Council, military forces and security police. But now there are other armed groups who try to influence the state. ULA-AA have not challenged the movement restrictions or the discriminatory citizenship scheme that severely impact Rohingya lives in Rakhine State. This means many Rohingyas are paying double taxes, while they are kept in poverty by apartheid structures.33 Rohingya participants in this research expressed frustration that they contribute to ULA-AA’s revenue, but do not receive protection or representation regarding their grievances with SAC in return. One Rohingya said, They do not provide any basic services and they do not speak out or against how the military is oppressing us. For example, they do not help us to reduce the movement restrictions and they ignore our struggles. Essentially Rohingya are being treated as non-citizens by both SAC and ULA-AA. Their aspirations to participate equally as citizens and determine their own futures are not met by either side. ULA-AA‘s Major General 7