Ali and Cochrane Comparative Migration Studies (2024) 12:16 which appear to include a mixture of pressure to align with international practices (e.g., passing of citizenship by both parents), efforts to attract FDI (e.g., investment and business pathways for residency), and recruitment and retainment of skilled talent (e.g., residency visas without the requirement of employment or sponsor). Notably, the types of inclusion (pathways to residency and citizenship) in all three countries remain narrow and targeted, such as with specific ties to the country and/or having wealth or specific skills. The three countries, while making changes, have done so in unique ways, which allows for an assessment of what these changes might imply for future demographics, economics, and broader ideas of belonging. Appendix 1 summarizes the main changes in the three countries, providing comparative context to the policies. For example, Qatar’s permanent residency program is relatively exclusive, while the UAE has introduced a more flexible long-term visa system and the potential for citizenship, and Saudi Arabia’s Green Card program also offers several benefits, but it does not provide a path to citizenship. Considering who is eligible for these programs, the policies in Qatar are designed to attract people with wealth, and who are able to purchase properties or establish businesses, however those without the ability to make such investments remain in precarious situations having residency tied to a specific employer. The Green Card of Saudi Arabia, in practice, is rather similar, as it has an upfront cost of $213,000 (comparable to the entry tier of real estate investment in Qatar of $200,000 for residency). In both cases, the programs are designed to attract applicants who have wealth. While the UAE also has residency-by-investment options, it also has pathways for residency based on qualifications rather than wealth (e.g., the Golden Visa). The design of this program seeks to attract specific types of skilled talent, and facilities living within the UAE (this is explicit from the program application, which describes the program as enabling talented foreigners to live in the country). The implications are that those with established wealth may invest in Saudi Arabia and Qatar, supporting the economy with FDI, while the UAE is better suited to attract and retain younger skilled talent (who may not have the wealth to be able to invest in properties). The establishment of residency and citizenship pathways via investment are not only occurring the GCC, but globally, and research is needed in cross-regional contexts to better understand the similarities and differences in motivating the establishment of these programs. A second major change in Saudi Arabia and the UAE is the passing of citizenship through both the mother and father, which in the case of Saudi Arabia appears to have significant demographic implications (as noted above, as of 2018, approximate 10% of marriages, or 700,000 female citizens, were married to non-citizens (Saikali, 2023). In both cases, this has the potential for socio-cultural and political changes as the demographic landscape of citizens broadens beyond the traditional forms of belonging (Ras et al., 2022). Since these changes are new, their implications are unknown. It remains to be seen to what extent marriages will change in these two countries, with the newfound possibility of citizenship, or if this will remain as a minority of marriages. Future research will not only need to monitor these changes, but also how those newly granted citizenship are included, if the traditional forms of belonging being to change, and how these changes alter the social contract with regard to entitlements. One area where this type of pathway may be expanded (and called for; e.g., Al-Ansari & Zahirovic, 2021) is the offering of residency and citizenship to expatriates born in the country and/or those living in Page 13 of 17