The Banality of Statelessness and The Impossibility of Counting the Dispossessed
Nergis Canefe, SJD, PhD
York University, Toronto, Canada
Death gives us the minor key.
Henry Purcell
Introduction
Starting with the events of the Arab Spring leading to the dispossession of millions of Syrians,
questions of dispossession, exile and statelessness have become regular agenda items in the study
of not just the MENA region but at a global scale. The most recent addition to the long tally of
dispossession gone wrong is that of the Afghan stateless (Canefe 2022). In response, and no irony
intended here, exclusionary forms of political membership have become reinvented and
reinvigorated, partly in relation to new waves of ethno-nationalism and partly due to the spread of
temporary labour regimes and the incessant need for novel versions of precarious work. In
addition, ingenious forms of status/non-status binar have been operationalized, juridifying
temporary permanence, which in turn intently limit participation and inclusion. The stateless
peoples of the Middle East, Near East, South East Asia, North Africa and South America have
been particularly affected by these strategies of covert exclusion as they continue to face en masse
dispossessions. In other words, contemporary statelessness is neither time-bound nor
geographically distinct in origin. Hence is the impossibility of addressing it from within the
international refugee regime. As Bupinder Chimni declared almost two decades ago, the focus on
returnee aid [in whichever form it ma take] to facilitate en masse repatriation as a solution to en
masse dispossession remains the cherished ideal of the international refugee regime (Chimni
2014).1 As such, it is understood that there is really no need to count the statelessness as ultimately,
it is considered to be a transitional position.
According to Chimni, the durable solutions rhetoric must be anal ed in a staggered fashion:
the period between 1945 and 1985 marking resettlement and repatriation as the optimal solution
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