2011]
AN INTERNATIONAL LAW OF CITIZENSHIP
733
At this time, these trends qualify as no more than the softest kind of law, representing aspirational norms that are not yet amenable to direct enforcement against states. The emerging
norms in this context will be contested, and some states are attempting to reinscribe restrictive
citizenship policies. The prospective regime could sputter before it takes hold. But the fact that
the regime is being contested evidences potentialities in international law that were historically
absent.269 Soft law norms often harden. It is now possible to envision international law standards governing core nationality determinations.
Maintenance of Dual Citizenship
Evidence suggests that international norms are emerging to protect an individual right to
maintain dual citizenship. Both practice and theory have become dramatically more receptive
to that status. Although states retain clear discretion concerning dual citizenship as a formal
matter, pressure is growing on holdout states to liberalize their practices. As with norms concerning the acquisition of citizenship, norms against discrimination are being effectively
deployed to expand state acceptance of dual citizenship. Although a formal human right to
maintain dual citizenship remains a distant prospect, developments pointing to the possibility
warrant attention.
As described above,270 dual nationality was the bane of an order-based norms system to
the extent that it sparked the human equivalent of turf battles among states with competing
claims to individuals. Although international law was ultimately incapable of resolving the
problem at its roots (failing to establish a harmonization of nationality laws), the status was
universally deplored. That was, in part, because dual nationality may itself have infringed individual rights. In the nineteenth-century context of the expatriation controversy, dual nationality often translated into multiple and conflicting obligations, including mandatory military
service.271 But the prospect of burdensome obligations dissipated from the middle of the twentieth century onward, as states either abandoned conscription or made it contingent on residence (also the case with taxation).272 Dual nationality became a status that an individual
might seek to maintain either for material or associational reasons. And yet into the late twentieth century, it was never addressed from the perspective of individual interests, even in a suggestive manner.273
269
See Ingram & Triadafilopoulos, supra note 165, at 375 (describing how international norms were “omnipresent” in German citizenship reform debates). As Lesley Wexler demonstrates in the parallel context of immigration
law, international human rights norms can perform a “non-legal function” and insinuate themselves into national
practice by “producing and codifying a human rights discourse,” even in the absence of binding obligation. Lesley
Wexler, The Non-legal Role of International Human Rights Law in Addressing Immigration, 2007 U. CHI. LEGAL F.
359, 360.
270
See supra notes 71–76 and accompanying text.
271
See BAR-YAACOV, supra note 4, at 265 (highlighting “the physical impossibility of performing simultaneously
the rights and duties of citizenship in different geographical locations”).
272
See Stephen H. Legomsky, Dual Nationality and Military Service: Strategy Number Two, in RIGHTS AND
DUTIES OF DUAL NATIONALS, supra note 4, at 79. Domicile, rather than citizenship, is thus increasingly important as a determinant of obligations owed to states. Cf. RESTATEMENT (THIRD) OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES §402 reporters’ note 1 (1987) (noting that domicile, rather than nationality, has
typically governed family and estate law in common law tradition).
273
Nissim Bar-Yaacov’s major, 1961 study of dual nationality, for instance, continued to attribute serious “psychological conflicts” to the status, making it “detrimental to . . . the well-being of the individuals concerned.” BARYAACOV, supra note 4, at 266.
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