FLUX: International Relations Review
Kurdish-controlled regions of Syria, the eruption
of the Syrian Civil War prompted the establishment
of new armed wings in the Kurdish armed forces
(Szekely, Henshaw, and Darden 2019, 43). One
of these units, a separate Women's Protection
Unit (YPJ), was notoriously instrumental in the
fight against ISIS and the protection of Kurdish
territories during the 2010s. This military
involvement is more than breaking a vital glass
ceiling; women's involvement in militant groups
can lead to more political roles. For example, the
ruling PYD in Rojava has a rule that each political
position must be held jointly by a man and a
woman, significantly increasing the number of
women in powerful, influential political positions.
Moreover, in the PKK case, interview
evidence has demonstrated that the presence of
women in the PKK bolstered the organization's
ideological focus on feminist ideals (49).
Consequently, war circumstances may act as
catalysts for stateless women to advance their
rights, socio-political spaces and ultimately
improve their status when there is infrastructure
and institutions in place that are sensitive to
specific gendered injustices (Gökalp 2010, 567). In
other words, violent conflict that has historically
plagued stateless populations, while horrific
in and of itself, may offer an opportunity for
feminist causes to advance and produce a "double
revolution." However, given the broader Iraqi and
Kurdish socio-political histories, the women of
Iraqi Kurdistan have gone down a path of mixed
'double oppression' and "double revolution."
Conclusion
By analyzing three primary features of
statelessness, nationalism, autonomous spaces,
and violent conflict, it is evident that the status
of Kurdish women is impacted by statelessness
in numerous and complex ways. Statelessness
does not automatically or universally harm or
benefit women's rights; instead, characteristics
of statelessness have the potential to reinforce
patterns of oppression or women's empowerment.
As demonstrated in this paper, the trajectory of
the status of women is dependent mainly on pre16
existing histories and socio-political forces in the
region at hand. In Syrian Kurdistan, women have
primarily experienced 'double revolution' as a result
of ideological predispositions, stable autonomous
spaces, and the opportunity to dislodge the
patriarchal status quo. Conversely, Iraqi Kurdistan
epitomizes a case of 'double oppression' for
Kurdish women as the population is constrained
by internal political divisions, destabilizing outside
interference, and debilitating violent conflict. It is
important to note that there are countless other
features of statelessness such as legal insecurity
and post-traumatic impacts of forced displacement;
these features were chosen due to their prominence
in the existing literature and their broadly
applicable nature in analysis. Those researching
this topic in the future should consider other,
less examined lenses and challenge the analyses
of commonly considered perspectives.
Even though the fight against ISIS has
been on the decline for the last few years, Kurdish
populations across the Middle East remain uniquely
vulnerable to the turbulence of international and
regional geopolitical dynamics. For example, US
President Trump's decision to withdraw troops
from Kurdish territory in October of 2019 left
Kurdish populations vulnerable to hostile Turkish
forces to the East and the lingering threat of ISIS to
the West (Feith and Shulsky 2019). As a stateless
population, Syrian Kurdish forces were essentially
forced to make a deal with the Syrian government
in Damascus. This deal paved the way for Syrian
President Assad's forces to enter Rojava for the
first time in years, sacrificing Kurdish lives and
well-being in the process (Hubbard et al., 2019).
Lastly, as discussed, women continue to be on
the front lines, disproportionately shouldering
the burdens that may come their way as both
women and members of a stateless population.
The world has yet to see how these changes
and more may impact the trajectory of 'double
oppressions' and 'double revolutions' in the 2020s.
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